KO R E A’ S Q U E S T FOR ECONOMIC D E M O C R AT I Z AT I O N Gl o bal iz ation, Pola rization and Co ntention EDITED BY YOUNGMI KIM Korea’s Quest for Economic Democratization Youngmi Kim Editor Korea’s Quest for Economic Democratization Globalization, Polarization and Contention Editor Youngmi Kim University of Edinburgh Edinburgh, UK ISBN 978-3-319-57065-5    ISBN 978-3-319-57066-2 (eBook) DOI 10.1007/978-3-319-57066-2 Library of Congress Control Number: 2017943639 © The Editor(s) (if applicable) and The Author(s) 2018 This work is subject to copyright All rights are solely and exclusively licensed by the Publisher, whether the whole or part of the material is concerned, specifically the rights of translation, reprinting, reuse of illustrations, recitation, broadcasting, reproduction on microfilms or in any other physical way, and transmission or information storage and retrieval, electronic adaptation, computer software, or by similar or dissimilar methodology now known or hereafter developed The use of general descriptive names, registered names, trademarks, service marks, etc in this publication does not imply, even in the absence of a specific statement, that such names are exempt from the relevant protective laws and regulations and therefore free for general use The publisher, the authors and the editors are safe to assume that the advice and information in this book are believed to be true and accurate at the date of publication Neither the publisher nor the authors or the editors give a warranty, express or implied, with respect to the material contained herein or for any errors or omissions that may have been made The publisher remains neutral with regard to jurisdictional claims in published maps and institutional affiliations Cover illustration : B Christopher/Alamy Stock Photo Printed on acid-free paper This Palgrave Macmillan imprint is published by Springer Nature The registered company is Springer International Publishing AG The registered company address is: Gewerbestrasse 11, 6330 Cham, Switzerland Acknowledgements I would like to gratefully acknowledge the support of the Academy of Korean Studies (AKS), whose Korean Studies Promotion Service (KSPS) Grant (AKS-2011-BAA-2105) made this book project possible Drafts of the chapters were presented at the Korean Studies conferences held at Central European University in Budapest (Hungary) in 2013 and 2014, organized as part of the ‘Global E-School in Eurasia’ project supported by the Korea Foundation Note on Romanization In rendering the Korean language in the Latin script, we use the Revised Romanization of Korean approved by the Ministry of Culture of the Republic of Korea in 2000 However, when historical material is presented the McCune-Reischauer system is also used v Contents Hell Joseon: Polarization and Social Contention in a Neo-Liberal Age   Youngmi Kim Globalization, Democracy and Social Polarization in South Korea   21 Hyug Baeg Im Democracy Disenchanted and Autocracy Glamorized in Korea   41 Doowon Suh Emerging Cleavages in Korean Society: Region, Generation, Ideology, and Class   63 Youngmi Kim and Sunhee Park Korea Tripartism in Retrospect   89 Hyug Baeg Im Labour Polarization: Labour Aristocracy Versus Irregular Workers in Post-development Korea   119 Hyung-A Kim vii viii  Contents Civil Society and Democracy in South Korea: A Reassessment   141 Antonio Fiori and Sunhyuk Kim The Parallax Visions of Economic Democracy in South Korea: A Critique   171 Albert L Park Citizenship and Migration in South Korea In the Forefront of Democracies?   209 Luicy Pedroza and Hannes B Mosler 10 Female Immigration by Cross-Border Marriage: A New Political Issue in South Korean Society   233 Kyungmi Kim 11 The Coming Age of South Korea: Power, Influence and Implications   257 Virginie Grzelczyk 12 Conclusion: The Promise of People-Led Change and the Prospect of a New Transition   281 Youngmi Kim Index   297 Editor and Contributors About the Editor Youngmi Kim is Senior Lecturer in the Department of Asian Studies at the University of Edinburgh (UK) She previously worked at Central European University and University College Dublin Recent publications include articles in Electoral Studies and the monograph ‘The politics of coalition in South Korea: Between Institutions and Culture’ (Routledge, 2011) Email: youngmi.kim@ed.ac.uk Contributors Antonio Fiori  is Associate Professor and Delegate for Asia and Oceania at the University of Bologna (Italy) His articles include “Hedging in search of a new age of non-alignment: Myanmar between China and the USA” (The Pacific Review, 2015), “Seventy Years after World War II: Comparing Europe and Northeast Asia’s Security Architectures” (Korean Journal of Defense Analysis, 2015) Email: antonio.fiori@unibo.it Virginie Grzelczyk is a lecturer in international relations at Aston University, UK and holds a Ph.D in Political Science from the University of Maryland Her book ‘North Korea’s New Diplomacy: Challenging Political Isolation in the 21st Century’, will be published by Palgrave in 2017 Email: v.grzelczyk@aston.ac.uk ix x  Editor and Contributors Hyug-Baeg Im is Professor at Korea University in Seoul, South Korea He received his MA and Ph.D in political science from the University of Chicago He went on to serve as an EC Member, IPSA, the Director of Institute for Peace Studies and the Director of BK21 Research Corps at Korea University Email: hyugbaeg@daum.net Hyung-A Kim is Associate Professor, School of Culture, History and the Language, College of Asia and the Pacific, Australian National University Recent publications include, “President Roh Moo-Hyun’s Last Interview and the Roh Moo-Hyun Phenomenon in South Korea”, Journal of Contemporary Asia, (Dec 2016) Email: hyunga.kim@anu.edu.au Kyung-Mi Kim  received her Ph.D from EHESS (School for Advanced Studies in Social Sciences) in France She is teaching at Paris Diderot University (Paris VII) Her research focuses on the role of the State defining the “mixedness” in the Korean family institution Email: kyungmi@wanadoo.fr Sunhyuk Kim is Professor and Vice President for International Affairs at Korea University He received his Ph.D from Stanford University in 1996 His articles include “Administrative Reform in South Korea: New Public Management and the Bureaucracy” (2015) and “NGOs and Social Protection in East Asia: Korea, Thailand and Indonesia” (2014) Email: sunhyukk@korea.ac.kr Hannes B Mosler is Assistant Professor at Freie Universität Berlin He holds a Ph.D in political science from Seoul National University His recent publications include the co-edited volumes Quality of Democracy in Korea (Palgrave Macmillan, forthcoming), Facets of 130 Years German-Korean Relations (Peter Lang, 2017), and Länderbericht Korea (bpb, 2015) Email: Hannes.Mosler@fu-berlin.de Albert L Park is associate professor of history at Claremont McKenna College (Claremont, CA) He is the coeditor of Encountering Modernity: Christianity in East Asia and Asian America and the author of Building a Heaven on Earth: Religion, Activism and Protest in Japanese Occupied Korea Email: Albert.Park@ClaremontMcKenna.edu Editor and Contributors   xi Sunhee Park is Assistant Professor at Aarhus University in Denmark She received her Ph.D in Political Science from Florida State University Her publications appear in the American Journal of Political Science and International Studies Quarterly Email: sunhee.park@ps.au.dk Luicy Pedroza is a Research Fellow at the GIGA -German Institute of Global and Area Studies Her research focuses on the political integration of migrants She is leading the Project Every Immigrant Is an Emigrant: How Migration Policies Shape the Paths to Integration She holds a Ph.D from University of Bremen and Jacobs University Email: Luicy.Pedroza@giga.hamburg Doowon Suh is professor and a chair of the Korean Studies Program of the Graduate School of International Studies at Korea University He was awarded Ph.D in sociology from the University of Chicago, M.Sc from the London School of Economics and Political Science, and MA and BA from Korea University Email: dwsuh@korea.ac.kr 12  CONCLUSION: THE PROMISE OF PEOPLE-LED CHANGE …  289 by the prosecution—is whether the donations were extorted or whether they were conceived as bribes in order to gain favours in other sectors In a surreal twist of events, it later emerged that Samsung also donated an $850,000 horse to Choi Soon-sil’s daughter, Chung Yoo-ra In addition, she was admitted by Ehwa Womans University in Seoul (one of Korea’s leading universities) in 2015 after an ad hoc change in university regulations on student admissions to fit Chung Yoo-ra’s case Chung Yoo-ra’s response on Facebook to those that were incensed at this fact further angered the population As she suggested “Blame your parents Money is also ability” (Chosun Ilbo, 20 October 2016), fury spread further, also in light of the fact that education is the key vehicle for social mobility in Korean society and the rigour, toughness and seriousness of university entry exams have long been seen as a guarantee that no matter that the student’s family background would be, everyone would have fair chances to enter and succeed While the president Park Geun-Hye publicly apologised on 25 October, outraged high school students and parents joined the nationwide candle-light vigils with millions of ordinary people, as I elaborate below Chung Yoo-ra’s admission at the university and her high school degree were also revoked afterward The professors at Ehwa Womans University connected to this episode were all arrested or dismissed from the university This being ‘problematic’ enough, the more the investigation proceeded, the more details emerged about the proportions of the scandal Choi Soon-sil’s involvement in state affairs turned out to be not just ‘merely’ confined to speech-writing or influence-peddling, but even extended to budget-related matters regarding the Ministry of Culture and the appointment of certain individuals in the government and abroad The trigger for the mass protest was certainly the Choi Soon-sil gate However, the explosion of popular anger on this issue has to be placed in the broader context of the segmentation of Korean society The infamous ‘macadamia nuts incident’3 well illustrates this split between entitlement and powerlessness In December 2014, the member of one of Korea’s largest Chaebol (Hanjin Group), namely the daughter of the owner of Korean Air, bullied and abused a cabin staff member because of the way she was served the nuts in the first class cabin, also forcing the aircraft, ready for take-off, to return to the airport gate (Wall Street Journal, December 2014) Previously another Chaebol family member, a cousin of the president of SK, beat a truck driver who was on a single person demonstration against an unfair layoff resulting from a company merger 290  Y Kim in 2010 The family member of SK founder beat the protesting labourer with a baseball bat and told him each hit cost million won (1000 USD) The labourer fainted after being beaten ten times with a baseball bat and he was told the next three hits would be over million won each After hitting him 13 times, the heir of SK founder threw 20 million won to the labourer on the floor (Hankyoreh, 29 November 2010) The public remembered such abusive behaviour, referred to as Kapjil (abusive behaviour of a person who has more power), when news of the Choi scandals emerged in the fall of 2016 Interestingly, the prosecutor who was involved in this violent incident later became the board member of SK and this incident became a source of inspiration for the film Veteran (Hankyoreh, 26 August 2015) However, an attitude which divided society between those at the top and those at the bottom is not the exclusive domain of the Chaebols In 2016 a high ranking officer at the Ministry of Education made disparaging comments on ordinary Koreans with news reporter, citing a sentence from a movie claiming that ‘people are like dogs and pigs and the class stratification should be solid’ He continued claiming that ‘99% of people are like dogs and pigs and those should be fed full, then it would be enough’ (Kyung Hyang Sinmun, July 2016) The official sought to excuse himself saying that the comments were made at a time when he was drunk, but these enraged the population further Thus, the anger that erupted on the streets of central Seoul around Gwanghwamun square had of course a lot to with the specifics of the Choi Soon-sil gate and the Park administration, but frustrations and grievances had clearly accumulated over the years Popular Protests and People-Led Change: 20 Weeks of Candle-Light Vigils Korean politics have long been described as contentious, and even under authoritarian rule social and political contention accompanied government-society relations Mass protests and government crackdowns have punctuated the life of post-war Korea The sheer size of the 2016–2017 protests and their outcome (the removal from office of a serving president) clearly make this year’s events stand out, for both symbolic and practical significance Candle-light vigils were held every Saturday from 29 October 2016 until March 2017 (when the constitution court ruled the presidential impeachment on the 10th March 2017) demanding the 12  CONCLUSION: THE PROMISE OF PEOPLE-LED CHANGE …  291 president’s resignation As soon as the news about the extent of this influence-peddling scandal broke out in September and October, street protests and demonstrations were held across the country, with thousands of ordinary citizens initially and later over a million, gathered at Gwanghwamun square in Seoul, near the Blue House where the president residence is located News about the two foundations that received millions of dollars of support had already caused thousands to gather, but when news about Chung Yoo-ra’s admission to the university spread, at a time when 3rd year of high school students preparing for the university admission exam in November, that turned out to be too much to bear for students and their parents (education is one of the single biggest sources of expenditure for Korean families) Chung Yoo-ra’s comment over ‘money is ability’ exacerbated public anger regardless of age, occupation, and the region The president sought to placate public anger and sought to refocus public attention on constitutional reform when the proof of Choi Sun-sil’s involvement in presidential speechwriting was revealed, as her tablet PC was found by a TV news channel The president apologised the next day, immediately accepting that she had received personal help from Choi Sun-sil in relation to presidential speeches in the early days of her presidency The first presidential apology—a few followed—did not, however, placate the fury of the public The first candle-light vigils on 29th October were attended by some 30,000 protesters demanding the president to resign as well as an investigation of Chung Yoo-ra’s admission to Ehwa Womans University The number of people taking to the streets grew over ten times in the second week of demonstrations The president apologised a second time on the 4th of November, claiming she would investigate the political scandal and adding she would also assist the prosecutors in their investigation The third weekend of the candle-light vigils on the 9th November brought over million people on the streets The candle-light vigils were organised by 2300 civil organisations, although social media played an important role in mobilizing people and organizing the events People prepared the candle-light in a cup or smartphone LED light with their children or friends holding banners For those who could not prepare any materials for the demonstrations, various civil organizations provided candles and cups and banners, and sometimes the participants in return donated some money to the organizations People were marching in the main road of Seoul city hall towards the road to the Blue House, 292  Y Kim the presidential residence, singing songs made for the demonstration about the presidential residence Music, dances, banners all mixed in a rather festive atmosphere demanding political change The demonstration rally was rather a cultural festival, with concerts with famous singers and speeches were not only delivered by politicians but also by ordinary people stepping up on the stage sharing their aspirations for a better society, lamenting how their economic struggle had worsened during the Park Geun-hye administration Overall attendance to the vigils topped 15 million by the 19th candle-light vigil on 4th March 2017, before the Constitutional Court ruled on presidential impeachment As Hyung-A Kim notes (2016), the links between the administration and the Chaebols weakened the president from the start and her demise can also be seen as the result of a showdown between the political establishment and the Chaebols The last 20th candle-light vigils were held after the Court’s ruling on the impeachment on 11 March in 2017 Conclusion Although the mass demonstrations—a peaceful civil revolution—hold great promise for broader change in Korean society, the challenges ahead are still daunting The outbreak of the presidential scandal, the demonstrations and the implications are instructive about various trends in Korean society that have been of interest to scholars and which warrant further investigation First, the relationship between the internet and politics and the rise of online activism has received some attention (Kim 2009), although we need to learn more about the micro-politics of street protests, the diversity of interests, agendas, and actors involved in this latest wave of contention and also how online and offline politics intertwine Secondly, the centre of Seoul was filled with protesters demanding the president’s resignation, but pro-Park supporters also gathered near the Blue House, holding Korean national flags and expressing their desire that the president complete her term in office These different groups of demonstrators did not simply hold different views on the president, but also exposed the fissures in Korean society, along generational divides and even ideological ones, with conservative groups accusing anti-Park protesters of holding pro-communist views and even alleging that the whole scandal had been orchestrated by North Korea As new data become available on determinants of 12  CONCLUSION: THE PROMISE OF PEOPLE-LED CHANGE …  293 voting behaviour scholarly attention should focus on the emergence of new cleavages in Korean society, especially interrogating the heuristic use of class as analytical category to make sense of Korean society Thirdly, greater conversation with more comparative (and large-N) studies of global inequalities (Haggard 2016; Milanovic 2013; Yates 2016) could help contextualize some of the challenges Korea is experiencing in global experiences in transition, and incorporate in-depth country narratives Fourthly, populist rhetoric and leaders are emerging in Korea as well, as the demise of Park Geun-hye and the 2017 presidential campaign highlighted the differences between politicians on the progressive front like Moon Jae-in, claiming the legacy of late President Roh Moo-hyun and more radical ones, like Seongnam mayor Lee Jaemyung who perhaps more fittingly matches current understanding of populist politicians As liberating and empowering as online activism can be, and online and offline politics have indeed come together in the 2016–2017 candle-light vigils, this—without a proper agenda—in itself is no panacea for the ills of Korean society (Y Kim 2009) Lastly, although the importance of organized labour is well accepted in the literature (Gray 2007, 2008, 2014; H.-A Kim 2013), the consequences of its weakness and hierarchies therein go well beyond the study of labour unions and go to the core of the Korean political and economic systems In conclusion, this book has examined the emergence of social and economic inequality in Korea by tracing the origins of specific government social and economic policies and their impact, the evolution of government-labour and government-society relations from the postwar period to the present The contributions have shown how increase in country GDP did not translate into evenly felt benefits, but rather brought concentration of wealth in the hands of a very privileged few and an irregular and unsecure work environment for most, trying to make ends meet As former president Roh Moo-hyun pointed out during his presidency, ‘power is in the hand of the market [and] the market under the dominance of Chaebol in Korea’ (Hankyoreh 16 May 2005) And yet, the ending to the story about the contentious relationship between politics, business, and society in Korea remains to be written, with a tremendous window of opportunity for a healthier and more balanced relationship unexpectedly opening in early 2017 Demand for economic democratization remains strong and the promise for change is there Will Koreans seize the opportunity? 294  Y Kim Notes 1. If an adult has above USD 71,560 the person belongs to the top 10% To belong to the top 1% richest adult group in the world the person needs more than USD 744,400 (Global Wealth Databook 2016: 104) 2. Mire in Korean means dragon and also represents the king Interestingly Park Geun-hye’s born year was the dragon year by lunar zodiac (Huffingtonpost, 20 September 2016) 3. The vice president of Korea Air Line, heir of Korea Air Line founder, returned the airplane to overthrow a flight attendant to teach how to serve nuts in the business class in December 2014 The dispute between the flight attendant and the vice president over how to serve nuts to the first class business customers ended in the returning of the airplane back to the gate That incident gained international attention over the power abuse of Chaebol and the vice president Cho Hyun-a was put in jail for violating the aviation law References Blame your parents Money is also ability (2016) Chosun Ilbo 20 October 2016 available at http://news.chosun.com/site/data/html_ dir/2016/10/20/2016102000315.html?related_all Accessed January 10, 2017 Chiang, M.-H (2016) Chaebol’s role in South Korea’s economic development (EAI Background Brief, No 1153 (July)) Available at file:///D:/polgrave%20 2016%20polarization%20in%20SK/BB1153-%20SK%20chaebol.pdf Accessed on 10 January 2017 Credit Suisse Research Institute (2016) Global Wealth Databook 2016 Available at http://publications.credit-suisse.com/tasks/render/file/index cfm?fileid=AD6F2B43-B17B-345E-E20A1A254A3E24A5 Accessed July 15, 2016 Credit Suisse Research Institute (2017) Global Wealth Report 2016 Available at https://www.credit-suisse.com/us/en/about-us/research/research-institute/ 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(2017) Media Today February 2017 Available at http://www.mediatoday.co.kr/?mod=news&act=articleView&idxno=135220 Accessed January 10, 2017 Piketty, T (2014) Capital in the twenty-first century Cambridge: Harvard University Press Roh Daetongryeong, gwonryeokeun sijangeuro neomeogangeot gatda (President Roh, Power is handed over to Market) (2005) Hankyoreh 16 May 2005 Available at http://www.eastasiaforum.org/2016/11/15/is-this-thebeginning-of-park-geun-hyes-fall/ Accessed January 10, 2017 Samsung heir Lee Jae-yong arrested in South Korea (2017, February 17) BBC News Available at http://www.bbc.com/news/world-asia-38997370 Accessed January 10 Top ten Chaebol now almost 80% of Korean economy (2012) Hankyoreh August 2012 Available at http://www.hani.co.kr/arti/english_edition/e_ business/549028.html Accessed June 8, 2016 Veteranui Makjang Chaebol Jo Tae-o, joetgapeul chungbunhee batateulgayo? (Chaebol Jo Tae-o in Veteran, did he pay for his sin?) (2015) Hankyoreh 26 August 2015 Available at http://www.hani.co.kr/arti/society/society_general/706063.html Accessed January 10, 2017 Yates, M D (2016, November) Measuring Global Inequality Monthly Review, 68(6) Available at https://monthlyreview.org/2016/11/01/measuringglobal-inequality/ Accessed January 10, 2017 Index A Accountability, 41, 46 Act on Employment of Foreign Laborers, 228 Act on the Immigration and Legal Status of Overseas Koreans, 217, 228 Act on the Protection and Settlement Support of Residents Escaping from North Korea, 228 Agricultural cooperatives, 173, 188–193, 195, 196 Anti-globalist democracy argument, 26 Anti-gobalization argument, 24 Asian financial crisis, 4, 6, 10, 13, 120, 123, 128, 130, 171, 175, 177 Authoritarian regime, 41, 44, 54, 56 B Basic Law on Treatment of Foreigners, 217 Bijeonggyujik, 119 C Candlelight, 157, 159, 160, 164, 166 Candlelight protests, 164 Candle-light vigils, 282, 289, 291–293 Chaebol, 3–7, 10, 12, 14, 34, 64–66, 73, 94, 95, 98, 100, 119, 120, 133, 172, 173, 176, 177, 179–182, 183, 198, 274, 282, 287–290, 292–294 Chaebol reforms, Chaeya, 95 China-South Korea FTA, 272 Choi Soon-sil, 163, 166, 281, 287, 289 Choi Soon-sil gate, 2, 282, 290 Choi Soon-sil scandal, 282 Choi-gate, 164, 165 Chun Doo-hwan, 5, 92, 145, 148, 151 Chung Yoo-ra, 289, 291 Citizen petitions, 210 Citizen’s Coalition for Economic Justice, 146, 183 Citizens’ Solidarity for the General Elections, 151 Citizenship, 215 © The Editor(s) (if applicable) and The Author(s) 2018 Y Kim (ed.), Korea’s Quest for Economic Democratization, DOI 10.1007/978-3-319-57066-2 297 298  Index Civil society, 142, 145, 147, 159 Class, 28, 33, 64, 65, 67–69, 73, 74, 76, 77, 79, 82, 84 Class cleavage, 68, 69, 77 Class polarization, 46, 47 Class self-classification, 64 Class structure, 129 Collective bargaining, 92–94, 109, 114 Commission on Labour-Management Relations Reform, 96, 97 Communitarian, 8, 10, 48–51, 57 Company unionism, 92–95 Company welfarism, 94, 95 Company-based economism, 125, 136 Confucian, 50, 57 Confucianism, 57 Consolidology, 141 Constitutional Court, 281, 292 Continued vocational training, 34 Corporate restructuring, 91, 98, 102, 103 Corporatist containment strategy, 92 Corruption, 23 Council of Masan-Changwon Unions, 121 Crisis corporatism, 90, 104 Cross-border marriage, 233 D Daenohyeop, 122 Daewoo Group Union, 122 Damunhwa gajok, 235, 247, 249, 250, 252 Damunhwa sahoe, 247 Danil minjok, 235 Decentralized corporatism, 115 Decretismo, 100 Democratic backsliding, 42, 285 Democratic consolidation, 42, 45, 51, 53, 55, 57, 58, 142 Democratic globalization argument, 24 Democratic governance, 42 Democratic legitimacy, 51 Democratic Liberal Party, 147 Democratic Party, 74, 76, 77 Democratic recession, 42 Democratic sustainability, 42 Democratic transition, 141 Democratic union movement, 121 Democratization, 92, 142, 143, 145, 146, 150, 155, 164 Deregularization, 12 Deregulation, 27, 32 Development Assistance Committee, 261 Developmentalist mentality, 130 E Economic bipolarization, 110 Economic democracy, 173, 178, 186 Economic democratization, 2, 7, 64, 92, 171, 172, 174, 178, 180– 182, 199, 287, 293 Economic voting, 72, 84 Education policy, 68 Egalitarian welfare, 48, 49 Egalitarianism, 48, 50 Employment inheritance, 120, 125, 135 Enfranchisement, 210, 211, 213, 214, 217, 221–227 Eopjonghoeui, 122 Ethnic unity, 235, 242 Export-oriented industrialization strategy, 43 F Fair society, 22, 31, 33, 34 Index Federation of Korean Trade Unions, 120, 128 Financial crisis, 42, 44, 46, 47, 49, 52, 54, 56, 57, 89, 98, 103, 110 Financial liberalization, 24, 27 Flexible labour markets, 64, 96, 100, 102, 108 G Generation, 63, 65, 72, 73, 77, 81, 84 Generational divide, 84 Global economic inequality, 282 Global financial crisis, 21, 30 Global inequalities, 293 Globalization, 6, 11, 14, 23, 24, 26, 28, 32, 89–91, 96–98, 108, 113–115, 175, 204 Golden Straitjacket, 32, 33, 36 Goyong seseup, 120, 124, 135 Grand National Party, 74, 76–80, 85 Great Workers’ Struggle, 121, 125, 126 Gukje gyeolhon, 233, 242, 251, 252 Gyeolhon imin gajok jiwon yeondae, 244 Gyeolhon iminja gajok jiwon centre, 248 Gyeongje minjuhwa, 171 Gyeongsangg, 70, 77–80, 82, 83, 85 H Haeoe hanminjok yeonguso, 240 Hanguk damunhwa chongyeonhaphoe, 245 Hansalim, 188, 189, 191–193, 195, 203, 204 Hansalim Manifesto, 189 Hell Joseon, 1, 68, 84, 285 Hyeonchongryeon, 122   299 Hypergamic marriage, 234 Hypogamic marriage, 235 Hyundai Group Union, 122 I Ideological cleavage, 82, 84 Ideology, 64, 65, 69, 70, 77, 81, 83, 84 Iju yeoseong ingwon centre, 244 IMF, 90, 91, 98–100, 105, 108 Immigrant Family Supports Centres, 248 Immigration Control Act, 217, 228 Immobile corporatism, 91, 108 Impeachment, 282, 287, 290, 292 Income inequality, 4, 13, 43, 44, 46, 51 Individualism, 49, 50 Industrial Training System, 216 Inequalities, 4, 10, 11, 13 Inequality, 2–4, 8, 12, 17, 21, 24–29, 31, 64, 66, 171, 172, 177–180, 184, 188, 199, 200, 282, 283, 285, 287, 293 Integration policy, 245 International marriages, 233 Irregular workers, 7, 12–14, 21, 22, 30, 34, 35, 63, 65, 119 J Jehan oegugin cheou gibonbeop, 217 Jeolla, 70, 76, 79, 80, 83 Jeonnode, 122 Jeonpyeong, 120 Joseon nodong johap jeonguk pyeonguihoe, 120 Junggyeon-guk, 269 300  Index K Kim Dae-jung, 6, 29, 46–48, 54, 55, 70, 71, 90, 91, 99, 101, 103, 105, 106, 108, 110, 128, 130, 141, 149–156, 165, 221 Kim Young-sam, 5, 46, 47, 55, 91, 95, 98, 102, 122, 127, 141, 142, 147–150, 154, 156 Korea Democracy Barometer, 64, 74 Korea Federation for Environmental Movement, 151 Korea National Statistical Office, 238, 241, 250, 251 Korean Association for Rural Welfare, The, 240 Korean Central Intelligence Agency, 121 Korean Confederation of Trade Unions, 120, 122, 128 Korean Council of Trade Union Representatives, 149 Korean Federation of Environmental Movement, 147 Korean Institute of Overseas Affairs, 240 Korean Labour Movement, 120 Korea-US Free Trade Agreement, 175 Korean Women’s Development Institute, 246 L Labour aristocracy, 9, 11, 13, 119, 123 Labour aristocrats, 8, 13, 14, 65 Labour Dispute Adjustment Law, 93 Labour governance, 91, 92 Labour market flexibility, 10, 30, 33, 34, 65 Labour market flexibilization, 46 Labour polarization, 119 Labour reform, 96–98, 109 Labour segmentation, 129 Labour Union Law, 93 Lee Byung-Chul, 288 Lee Gun-hee, 288 Lee Jae-myung, 293 Lee Jae-Yong, 288 Lee Myung-bak, 7, 12, 14, 22, 28, 30–32, 48, 67, 141, 155, 156, 158, 159, 165, 172, 175, 178, 179, 198, 260, 269, 274 M Ma Chang Noryeon, 121 Macro-corporatism, 105 Market containment strategy, 92, 116 Market liberalization, 6, 90 Mass mobilization, 281 Mature capitalism, 285 Mediating power, 262 Middle class, 22, 28, 29, 33–35 Middle class miracle, 29 Middle power, 16, 258, 261–264, 267, 268, 270, 271, 273–275, 277 Migrant enfranchisement reform, 15 Migrant Women, Korean Women, 244 Migrant workers, 218 Migrants’ Trade Union, 220 Migration, 215 Millennium Democratic Party, 153 Minbyeon, 221 Minerva, 158 Ministry of Gender Equality and Family, 245, 250 Minju nojo undong, 121 Minjung undong, 146 Mire Foundation, 287 Moon Jae-In, 7, 72 Index Multicultural Families Supporting Act, 219 Multicultural family, 235, 245, 247–250, 252 Multicultural Family Support Centres, 235, 249 Multicultural policies, 16 Multicultural society, 247 Myeongy, 64 N National Agricultural Cooperatives Foundation, 240 National Basic Living Security Act, 219 National Conference of Trade Union Representatives, 122 National Congress for New Politics, 74, 77 National Council of Korean Labour Unions, 120 National Council of Occupational Trade Unions, 122 National Federation of Multiculturalism, 245 National Intelligence Service, 159 National Pension Service, 288 National Security Law, 155 Neoliberal globalization, 42, 45, 48, 57 Neo-liberal policies, 5, 6, 10, 11 Neo-liberal restructuring, 91 Neoliberalism, 11, 16, 21, 30, 32, 174, 178, 197 New Management Strategy, 127 New transition, 282 Nodong gwijok, 119 Non-citizen enfranchisement, 211, 212, 223, 227 Nongyeop hyeopdong johap, 240   301 Non-regular workers, 46 Nosamo, 153 O ODA, 258, 261, 262, 274 OECD, 258, 261 Organized labour, 100, 107, 108 Overseas development assistance, 258, 274 P Pactismo, 100 Park Chung-hee, 3, 12, 43, 48, 53, 54, 56–58, 65, 70, 73, 84, 121, 126, 145, 148, 159, 259, 281 Park Geun-Hye, 2, 7, 8, 54, 56, 57, 71–73, 84, 141, 159, 162–165, 178, 179, 185, 258, 270, 274, 275, 281, 287 Participatory government, 154, 156 Paternalistic governance, 51 Paternalistic state, 48 People-led Change, 290 People’s Solidarity for Participatory Democracy, 146, 183 Plan of Political Support for the Social Integration of Immigrant Women’s Families by Marriage, Mixed Children and Migrants, 247 Plebiscites, 210 Polarization, 1–4, 7–9, 11–13, 17, 22, 26–32, 34, 35, 64–66, 69, 282, 283, 285, 287 Policy coalition, 90, 100 Policy entrepreneurs, 146 Policy innovation, 12, 22 Political democratization, 3, 42, 43 302  Index Political exchange, 91, 102, 103, 105, 106 Political repression, 54, 57 Possibilism, 22, 32 President Roh Moo-hyun, 247 Presidential Commission on Social Conflict and Conflict Management, 155 Privatization, 12, 27, 32 Productive welfare, 48 Productivity union, 114 Public Referendum Law, 210 Q Quality of democracy, 285 R Recall elections, 210 Reform-mongering, 22 Region, 71, 84 Regionalism, 70, 84 Regular workers, 7, 9, 11–13, 119, 120, 123, 124, 127–133, 135, 136 Responsive corporatism, 114 Roh Moo-hyun, 4, 7, 14, 48, 71, 82, 84, 108, 110, 111, 130, 141, 153, 155, 156, 160, 164, 247, 260, 269, 293 Roh Mun-hyun, 175 Roh Tae-woo, 5, 91, 147, 148 Rural Development Administration, 238, 240 S Saecheonnyeon Minjudang, 153 Saegyehwa, 175 Saenuri Party, 160 Samsung, 288 Segyehwa, 96, 98 Seonjin nodongja, 121 Simin undong danche, 146 Singyeongyeong jeonlyak, 127 Small and medium business, 64 Small and medium companies, 34, 35 Small and medium enterprises, 119 Small and medium-sized companies, 5, Social cleavages, 64, 65, 69, 83 Social dialogue, 112 Social pact, 90, 100, 104, 105, 109, 112 Social Pact on Overcoming the Economic Crisis, 102 Socioeconomic inequality, 25, 42, 43 Socioeconomic equity, 22 Solidarity, 32 State-directed industrialization, 43 State-led development model, 99 Statism, 23 Stolper-Samuelson theorem, 27 Supercapitalism, 7, 13, 120, 130, 133 Supply-side corporatism, 113 Syng Man Rhee, 120 T Taehan nodong chong yeonmaeng, 120 Terminal High-Altitude Area Defence, 162 Trade union movement, 120, 122, 125 Training Visa in Industrial Techniques, 239 Transitology, 141 Tripartism, 89, 95, 106, 108, 111– 113, 116 Tripartite Commission, 6, 9, 98, 100–104, 106–109, 123, 128 Index Twenty-First Century Korean Federation of University Student Councils, 159 U Unified Progressive Party, 160 U-shaped theory, 13 Uri Party, 74, 77 V Voting behaviour, 64, 65, 72, 76, 83 Voting rights, 210, 212–214, 221– 224, 227   303 W Welfare, 22, 23, 25, 26, 28, 31–33 Wolfson Index, 28 Women Migrants Human Rights Centre, 244 Working class, 43, 46, 57, 58 Y Yeoseong gyeolhon iminja gajok mit honhyeolin ijuja sahoe tonghap jiwon bangan, 247 Youth unemployment, 47 ...Korea’s Quest for Economic Democratization Youngmi Kim Editor Korea’s Quest for Economic Democratization Globalization, Polarization and Contention Editor Youngmi Kim University... laws and regulations and therefore free for general use The publisher, the authors and the editors are safe to assume that the advice and information in this book are believed to be true and accurate... Joseon: Polarization and Social Contention in a Neo-Liberal Age   Youngmi Kim Globalization, Democracy and Social Polarization in South Korea   21 Hyug Baeg Im Democracy Disenchanted and Autocracy