SILVER ECONOMY IN THE VIKING AGE PUBLICATIONS OF THE INSTITUTE OF ARCHAEOLOGY, UNIVERSITY COLLEGE LONDON Director of the Institute: Stephen Shennan Publications Series Editor: Peter J Ucko The Institute of Archaeology of University College London is one of the oldest, largest and most prestigious archaeology research facilities in the world Its extensive publications programme includes the best theory, research, pedagogy and reference materials in archaeology and cognate disciplines, through publishing exemplary work of scholars worldwide Through its publications, the Institute brings together key areas of theoretical and substantive knowledge, improves archaeological practice and brings archaeological findings to the general public, researchers and practitioners It also publishes staff research projects, site and survey reports, and conference proceedings The publications programme, formerly developed in-house or in conjunction with UCL Press, is now produced in partnership with Left Coast Press, Inc The Institute can be accessed online at http://www.ucl.ac.uk/archaeology ENCOUNTERS WITH ANCIENT EGYPT Subseries, Peter J Ucko, (ed.) 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Archaeology and Women (2007) SILVER ECONOMY IN THE VIKING AGE James Graham-Campbell Gareth Williams Editors Walnut Creek, California LEFT COAST PRESS, INC 1630 North Main Street, #400 Walnut Creek, CA 94596 http://www.LCoastPress.com Copyright © 2007 by Left Coast Press, Inc All rights reserved No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording, or otherwise, without the prior permission of the publisher ISBN 978-1-59874-222-0 hardcover Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data Silver economy in the Viking age / James Graham-Campbell, Gareth Williams, editors p cm Includes bibliographical references and index ISBN-13: 978-1-59874-222-0 (hardcover : alk paper) ISBN-10: 1-59874-222-1 (hardcover : alk paper) Coins, Scandinavian Coins, Medieval Silver coins—Europe—History Coinage—Europe—History Money—Europe—History Numismatics—Europe—History Viking antiquities Coin hoards—Europe Europe—Antiquities 10 Europe—Economic conditions—To 1492 I Graham-Campbell, James II Williams, Gareth CJ3094.S57 2007 737.49363—dc22 2006035671 Printed in the United States of America Typeset in Times by Newgen Imaging Systems (P) Ltd., Chennai, India Additional Production: Penna Design, Abbotsford, British Columbia The paper used in this publication meets the minimum requirements of American National Standard for Information Sciences—Permanence of Paper for Printed Library Materials, ANSI/NISO Z39.48–1992 Cover Image: Part of the silver hard from Cuerdale, Lancashire, deposited c 905 Reproduced by permission of the Trustees of the British Museum 07 08 09 10 11 Contents List of Illustrations vii Notes on Contributors xi Preface xiii List of Abbreviations xv REGIONS AROUND THE NORTH SEA WITH A MONETISED ECONOMY IN THE PRE-VIKING AND VIKING AGES D M Metcalf SOUTH SCANDINAVIAN COINAGE IN THE NINTH CENTURY Brita Malmer HEDEBY AND ITS HINTERLAND: A LOCAL NUMISMATIC REGION Ralf Wiechmann 29 THE EVIDENCE OF PECKING ON COINS FROM THE CUERDALE HOARD: SUMMARY VERSION Marion M Archibald 49 GOLD IN ENGLAND DURING THE ‘AGE OF SILVER’ (EIGHTH–ELEVENTH CENTURIES) Mark Blackburn 55 A SURVEY OF COIN PRODUCTION AND CURRENCY IN NORMANDY, 864–945 Jens Christian Moesgaard 99 13 VIKING ECONOMIES: EVIDENCE FROM THE SILVER HOARDS Märit Gaimster 123 ORIENTAL-SCANDINAVIAN CONTACTS ON THE VOLGA, AS MANIFESTED BY SILVER RINGS AND WEIGHT SYSTEMS Birgitta Hårdh 135 THE FORM AND STRUCTURE OF VIKING-AGE SILVER HOARDS: THE EVIDENCE FROM IRELAND John Sheehan 10 TRADE AND EXCHANGE ACROSS FRONTIERS Susan E Kruse 11 KINGSHIP, CHRISTIANITY AND COINAGE: MONETARY AND POLITICAL PERSPECTIVES ON SILVER ECONOMY IN THE VIKING AGE Gareth Williams 149 163 177 12 REFLECTIONS ON ‘SILVER ECONOMY IN THE VIKING AGE’ James Graham-Campbell 215 INDEX 225 List of Illustrations 1.1 2.1 2.2 2.3 2.4 2.5 2.6 2.7 3.1 3.2 3.3 3.4 3.5 3.6 3.7 3.8 3.9 3.10 3.11 Distribution map of thrymsas and sceattas from England (i–iv) Selected coins, scale c 3/2 (© Gabriel Hildebrand, Royal Coin Cabinet, Stockholm) (i) Wodan/Monster sceatta, Frisia, from c 715; (ii) Charles the Great silver denier, Dorestad, from 771–93/94; (iii) KG 5, from the period of Louis the Pious, probably the 820s; (iv) KG 3, from the period of Louis the Pious, probably the 820s Diagram of Combination-Groups (KG) 1–6, percentages (after Malmer 1966, plate 42) Combination-Groups (KG) 3–6, scale c 1/1 (© B Malmer) Weights of Carolingian obols and of KG 3–6 (© B Malmer) Finds of KG 1–6, with geographical division into Areas I–VI: Area II = Schleswig-Holstein; Area IIIa = Jutland, including Ribe (after Malmer 1966, plate 55) Scale c 1/1: (1) KG 8, Area II (‘Hedeby’), from c 950; (2) KG 9b, Area II (‘Hedeby’), from c 975; (3) KG 10a, Area III (Denmark), from c 975/80 and (4) KG 11, Area III (Denmark), from c 975/80 (© B Malmer) KG reverses showing fish symbol (© B Malmer): 1–3, with ship; 4, with enlargements of fishes with ships; and 5–7, with the Dorestad axe Hedeby (Haithabu): the topographical situation (after Elsner 1992) The chronology of minting at Hedeby (after Hatz 1984, fig 131) The distribution of hoards in Schleswig-Holstein The distribution of hoards in Schleswig-Holstein (790–980) The distribution of hoards in Schleswig-Holstein (980–1050) The distribution of Hedeby coins in Schleswig-Holstein The Steinfeld hoard, with Hedeby coins (i)–(v) Six coins from Hedeby: (i) sceatta, settlement-find; (ii) Abbassid dirham, with a runic graffito, settlement-find; (iii) Byzantine gold solidus, grave-find; (iv) Northumbrian styca, settlement-find and (v) Norwegian penny struck by Harald Hardråde, grave-find Coins of different provenances (in %) of the Hedeby finds (settlement and graves) Main coin groups of different provenances (in %) of the Hedeby finds (settlement and graves) Chronological distribution of the main coin groups at Hedeby (settlement and graves) 14 16 17 19 21 23 25 30 32 34 35 36 37 38 39 41 41 42 3.12 3.13 4.1 5.1 5.2 5.3 5.4 5.5 5.6 6.1 6.2 6.3 6.4 6.5 6.6 6.7 6.8 6.9 6.10 6.11 6.12 6.13 6.14 6.15 6.16 7.1 7.2 Distribution of Viking-Age finds in the districts of Angeln and Schwansen, eighth and ninth century (after Willroth 1992, map 69) 44 Distribution of Viking-Age finds in the districts of Angeln and Schwansen, tenth century (after Willroth 1992, map 70) 45 A selection of Cuerdale coins to demonstrate the progressive extent of the pecking with age (© Trustees of the British Museum) 50 Distribution map of finds of gold coins in Britain, 700–1200 72 Histogram of gold coins in the British Isles, 700–1200 (Source: Appendices A and B; fractional coins counted as fractions, base forgeries omitted) 79 British finds of gold coins: A2–A14 83 British finds of gold coins: A15–A25 84 English gold coins with meaningful inscriptions: B1–B8, with comparative material 86 Gold ingots and hack-gold from England: C1–C10 88 Charles the Bald, deniers, GDR-type, mint of Rouen © Yohann Deslandes 103 Evolution at the mint of Rouen 105 Evolution at the mint of Bayeux 105 Evolution at the mint of Curtisasonien 106 Degenerated GDR denier, mint of Bayeux © Peter Woodhead 106 Degenerated GDR denier, mint of Rouen © Peter Woodhead 107 Degenerated GDR denier, mint of Rouen © Yohann Deslandes 107 Degenerated GDR denier, mint of Rouen 107 Degenerated GDR denier, mint of Rouen © Peter Woodhead 108 Degenerated Carolingian obol, possibly Clermont or Rouen © Yohann Deslandes 108 Temple-type imitations from the Coudres hoard 110 Temple-type imitations from the Evreux hoard 110 William Longsword, deniers, Rouen © (c) The National Museum of Denmark; (d) Yohann Deslandes; (e) F Dugue 112 William Longsword deniers, Rouen 113 Modern forgery of William Longsword denier © Peter Woodhead 113 Rouen, Saint-Ouen monastery, deniers © (a) Yohann Deslandes; (b) The National Museum of Denmark 114 The distribution of arm/neck-rings in hoards of different complexity: (a) hoards from Öland, tenth–eleventh centuries; (b) hoards from Denmark, ninth–twelfth centuries 128 The distribution of bars and ingots in hoards of different complexity: (a) hoards from Öland, tenth–eleventh centuries; (b) hoards from Denmark, c 970–1016 129 7.3 8.1 8.2 8.3 8.4 8.5 8.6 8.7 8.8 9.1 9.2 9.3 9.4 9.5 The distribution of hack-silver hoards of different complexity: (a) hoards from Öland, tenth–eleventh centuries; (b) hoards from Denmark, c 970–1016 ‘Permian’ rings found on Öland (© Birgitta Hårdh) Distribution of complete ‘Permian’ rings: (1–2) Perm/Vjatka area; (3–4) Moscow area; (5) Finland; (6) Estonia; (7) Gotland; (8) Öland and (9) Jutland Weight grouping of the ‘Permian’ rings in Russia, Sweden and Denmark Polyhedral weights found at Uppåkra, Skåne, Sweden (© B Almgren, LUHM) Some terminal knobs with graffiti (scale 1:1): upper row, Russia; lower row, Gotland (© Birgitta Hårdh) A small striated ring (after Stenberger 1958, Textabb 18) Distribution of weights of rings weighing c 200 g from Perm and Vjatka Part of a ring from the Perm gouvernement (State Hermitage Museum, St Petersburg): note the incised star figure (© Birgitta Hårdh) Distribution map of the early Viking-Age hoards from Ireland (Classes 1–5) Pie-chart showing the relative proportions of hoards of Classes 1–5 amongst the Viking-Age finds from Ireland Viking-Age silver hoard of Class 4, from Cloghermore cave, Co Kerry (University College Cork Audio-Visual Services) Viking-Age silver hoard of Class from Kilmacomma, Co Waterford (© National Museum of Ireland) Viking-Age silver hoard of Class from ‘Co Antrim’ (© Ulster Museum) 129 136 137 139 140 141 142 144 145 153 154 157 158 158 214 GARETH WILLIAMS Thomson, W P L (1987), History of Orkney, Mercat Press, Edinburgh Thomson, W P L (2002), ‘Ouncelands and Pennylands in the West Highlands and Islands’, Northern Scotland 22, 27–43 Vestergaard, E (1991), ‘Gift-giving, hoarding, and outdoings’, in R Samson (ed), Social Approaches to Viking Studies, Cruithne Press, Glasgow, 97–104 Wallace, P (1987), ‘The economy and commerce of Viking Age Dublin’, in K Düwel, H Siems and D Timpe (eds), Untersuchungen zu Handel und Verkehr der vor- und frühgeschichtlichen Zeit in Mittel- und Nordeuropa, Teil IV Der Handel der Karolinger- und Wikingerzeit (‫ס‬Abhandlungen der Academie der Wissenschaften in Göttingen Philologisch-Historische Klasse, Dritte Folge, No 156), 200–245 Wamers, E (1995), ‘The symbolic significance of the ship-graves at Haidaby and Ladby’, in O Crumlin-Pedersen and B Munch Thye (eds), The Ship as Symbol (PNM Studies in Archaeology and History 1), Copenhagen, 148–159 Wamers, E (2002), ‘The 9th century Danish-Norwegian conflict: maritime warfare and state formation’, in A Nørgård Jørgensen, J Pind, L Jørgensen and B Clausen (eds), Maritime Warfare in Northern Europe: Technology, Organisation, Logistics and Administration 500 BC–1500 AD (PNM Studies in Archaeology and History 6), Copenhagen, 237–248 Warner, R (1975–76), ‘Scottish silver arm-rings: an analysis of weights’, PSAS 107, 136–143 Welch, M (2000), ‘Trade and trading places around the North Sea’, in E Kramer, I Stoumann and A Greg (eds), Kings of the North Sea, AD 250–850, The Hague, 67–78 Wiechmann, R (1996), Edelmetalldepots der Wikingerzeit in Schleswig-Holstein Vom ‘Ringbrecher’ zur Münzwirtschaft (Offa-Bücher 77), Neumünster Williams, D G E (‫ס‬Williams, G) (1996), Land Assessment and Military Organisation in the Norse Settlements in Scotland, c.900–1266 AD, unpublished PhD thesis, University of St Andrews Williams, G (1999), ‘Anglo-Saxon and Viking coin weights’, BNJ 69, 19–36 Williams, G (2001a), ‘Mercian coinage and authority’, in M P Brown and C A Farr (eds), Mercia: an Anglo-Saxon Kingdom in Europe, Leicester University Press, London/New York, 211–228 Williams, G (2001b), ‘Coin brooches of Edward the Confessor and William I’, BNJ 71, 60–70 Williams, G (2001c), ‘Hákon Að alsteins fóstri: aspects of Anglo-Saxon kingship in 10th-century Norway’, in T R Liszka and L M Walker (eds), The North Sea World in the Middle Ages: Studies in the Cultural History of North-Western Europe, Four Courts Press, Dublin, 108–126 Williams, G (2002), ‘Ship-levies in the Viking Age – the methodology of studying military institutions in a semi-historical society’, in A Nørgård Jørgensen, J Pind, L Jørgensen and B Clausen (eds), Maritime Warfare in Northern Europe: Technology, Organisation, Logistics and Administration 500 BC–1500 AD (PNM Studies in Archaeology and History 6), Copenhagen, 293–308 Williams, G (2003), ‘The dabhach reconsidered: pre-Norse or post-Norse?’, Northern Studies 37, 17–34 Williams, G (2004), ‘Land assessment and the silver economy of Norse Scotland’ in G Williams and P A Bibire (eds), Sagas, Saints and Settlement, Brill, Leiden, 65–104 Williams, G (forthcoming a), ‘Monetary economy in Viking-age Scotland in the light of single finds’, in J C Moesgaard and H Horsnæs (eds), Single Finds – the Nordic Perspective (‫ ס‬NNÅ 2000–02), Copenhagen Williams, G (forthcoming b), Viking Warfare and Military Organisation, Routledge, London Williams, G and Sharples, N (2003), ‘Et nytt myntfunn fra Olav Kyrre fra Hebridene’, NNUM (Nos 3–4, Maj 2003), 55–56 Wilson, D M (1957), ‘An unpublished fragment from the Goldsborough hoard’, Antiquaries Journal 37, 72–73 Woolf, A (1998), ‘Eric Bloodaxe revisited’, NH 34, 189–193 Youngs, S M and Porter, V (2000), ‘No 84 Warton, Carnforth, Lancashire: small Viking hoard of Cufic coins and cut silver’, in R Bland (ed), Treasure Annual Report 1998–1999, London, 49–51 – 12 – Reflections on ‘Silver Economy in the Viking Age’ James Graham-Campbell Shortly after the London symposium on ‘Silver Economy in the Viking Age’, at which versions of the articles to be considered here were delivered and discussed, I gave a paper to the ‘Nittende tværfaglige vikingesymposium’, at the University of Aarhus, on the subject of ‘The power of silver’ (Graham-Campbell 2000) This developed one of the main themes that had been under consideration in London, although the starting point for this Danish paper was a general introduction to the subject based on an earlier lecture on the overall archaeological importance of Viking-Age silver hoards (Graham-Campbell 1982) SOME REFLECTIONS ON ‘DISPLAY’ AND ‘BULLION’ ECONOMIES The theme developed in Aarhus was ‘the changing power of silver as it moved from the “display economy” into the “bullion economy” ’ (Graham-Campbell 2000, 13) In elaborating on this topic, for an interdisciplinary audience, it seemed appropriate to refer to some documentary sources, of differing reliability, which had been passed over by the contributors in London, no doubt because members of that particular gathering could have been expected to be familiar with them All the same, their interest is such that they merit having attention drawn to them in this volume; indeed, the first source to be mentioned here is one also commented on by Gareth Williams in his concluding paper (see above, Chapter 11) This is the report by Ibn Fadlan of his meeting by the River Volga with a party of Rus traders, and their wives, in the 920s Although his account of their dress and rituals is doubtless exaggerated in places (or at times lacking in understanding), it has the merit of being the evidence of an eye-witness and, as such, he provides us with a clear description of the ‘display economy’ in action: Each woman carries on her bosom a container made of iron, silver, copper, or gold – its size and substance depending on her man’s wealth … Round her neck she wears gold or silver rings; when a man amasses 10,000 dirhams he makes his wife one gold ring; when he has 20,000 he makes two; and so the woman gets a new ring for every 215 216 JAMES GRAHAM-CAMPBELL 10,000 dirhams her husband acquires, and often a woman has many of these rings (Brøndsted 1965, 265) This is ‘family wealth’ in action, but another important side of the ‘display economy’ is the affirmation of power through gift-giving, and here Viking-Age poetry can be brought into play as an additional form of evidence, as in this half-stanza of skaldic verse, preserved in Snorri’s Edda: The land-bold prince of Lund harms [gives away] joint-brands [ornaments for the arms] I not think the ruler’s men will lack Rhine’s rock [gold] Addressed to a tenth-century Danish king, this praise poem is attributed to the Icelandic poet Einarr Skálaglamm (Jesch 2000, 25) A generous ruler is a ‘disburser of gold’, and as Judith Jesch went on to observe at the Aarhus seminar: The skaldic poems themselves make frequent reference to the payment of the poet, mostly in gold, or something else more valuable than the usual Viking Age currency of silver Whether poets really were paid in gold rather than silver is hard to say, but that is at any rate what they claimed in their poems (Jesch 2000, 35) This makes all the more interesting an episode in the life of another tenth-century Icelandic poet, Eyvindr Finnsson, which is recounted in Snorri’s Heimskringla Despite the lateness of this source, it serves well to illustrate the ‘bullion economy’, or rather the movement of silver between the two: ‘Of the Icelanders and Eyvind Skaldaspiller’ Eyvind composed a poem about the people of Iceland, for which they rewarded him by each bonde giving him three silver pennies, of full weight and white in the fracture And when the silver was brought together at the General Thing, the people resolved to have it purified, and made into a shoulder-pin, and after the workmanship of the silver was paid, the shoulder-pin weighed some fifty marks [Editor’s note: 25 lbs] This they sent to Eyvind; but Eyvind had the shoulder-pin broken into pieces, and with the silver he bought a farmstead for himself (Foote 1961, 125–126) The manner in which the silver was collected as coin, the concern for its purity, and the payment for it to be worked into a ‘shoulder-pin’, only for it to be converted into hacksilver for the purchase of land, are all matters of note and have been discussed elsewhere (Graham-Campbell 1982, 32–33; 2000, 13; Williams 2004, 80) The key points for note in the present context are (i) that, in the ‘display economy’, a large silver ornament was regarded as a suitable reward, but (ii) that such a prestigious artefact nevertheless remained a large lump of bullion, available for use as hack-silver in the ‘bullion economy’ On the other hand, it is far from certain that there were so many coins in circulation in tenth-century Iceland for the above procedure to have been carried out in practice (cf Graham-Campbell 2005) Indeed, Gaimster (see Gaimster, in Chapter 7, p 126) makes the point that the Icelandic law on blood-money, Baugatal, translates literally as ‘the counting of rings’ (Gaimster 1991, 117–118) There was no particular need to pursue methodological matters any further at the Aarhus symposium, but it is appropriate here to refer back to a paper given at the ‘Coins and Archaeology’ meeting held in Norway (1988), when I was asked to consider ‘The REFLECTIONS ON ‘SILVER ECONOMY’ 217 coinless hoard’ It was on this occasion that the concept of ‘passive’ and ‘active’ hoards was introduced (Graham-Campbell 1989, 54–55), the intention being to draw a distinction between those coinless hoards that consist exclusively of complete ornaments and those that consist exclusively (or mostly) of ingots and hack-silver In other words, in this terminology, complete ornaments = ‘passive’ hoards (representing the ‘display economy’), and hack-silver, etc = ‘active’ hoards (representing the ‘bullion economy’) On the other hand, the story of Eyvindr’s reward demonstrates how one might readily become the other, and the distinction then drawn was ‘not intended to be a hard and fast one’, with the suggestion being made that, as the ‘bullion economy’ was developing, a ‘passive’ hoard might be thought of as being in an ‘intermediate’ or ‘pending’ category (Graham-Campbell 1989, 55), or in John Sheehan’s more elegant terminology, ‘potentially active’ (Sheehan 2001, 60) This ‘active/passive’ terminology has since been developed by Sheehan (see Sheehan, Chapter 9, in this volume), but it has perhaps now served its purpose, and it may be worth considering how one might move on from it on the basis of some of the contributions to this volume The overall concept of a ‘display economy’ accords well with what Birgitta Hårdh, writing of Western Norway, has described elsewhere as: ‘a system where silver … had a social function … Here the precious metals are important as a means for giving gifts and forming alliances, to build up social positions in areas with politically unclear conditions’ This is the quotation aptly chosen by Sheehan (Chapter 9, p 149), from Hårdh’s seminal volume, Silver in the Viking Age: a Regional-Economic Study (Hårdh 1996, 178), for application to the situation pertaining in Ireland during the early Viking Age, with respect to his Class hoards This socio-political role of precious metal may also be extended to a religious and/or legal function, for it must surely have been the case that the ‘oath-rings’ encountered in the documentary sources would have been of silver, if not of gold In ‘The power of silver’ (Graham-Campbell 2000, 7), I commenced by drawing attention, in this connection, to the passage in Landnámabók where it is stated that: A ring of at least two ounces should lie on the altar of every main temple Every priest should have such a ring on his arm at all legal moots that he had to inaugurate himself First it must be reddened in the blood of the cattle that he himself had sacrificed there Every man who needed to take part in pleading before the court must first swear an oath on the ring and give the names of two or more witnesses (Page 1995, 174) Having observed that ‘arm-rings of two or more ounces of silver (that is at least 50 g) are common enough finds from the Viking Age’, it was noted (Graham-Campbell 2000, 7) that, Eyrbyggiasaga informs us, on the altar-like stone of the supposed temple-building at Hofstaðir, there ‘lay a penannular ring weighing twenty ounces’; this also served as an oath-ring of which it is said that ‘the temple priest had to wear it on his arm at all formal meetings’ (Page 1995, 29–30) It should be noted that the conventional translations of ‘temple’ and ‘priest’ are followed here without any implications as to the nature and use of Viking-Age cult buildings in Iceland (cf Friðriksson 1994, 48–74) This increase in supposed weight of the ‘oath-ring’ (from two to 20 oz) can be taken to be one of those exaggerations to which such medieval Christian sources for Iceland’s pagan Viking past are inevitably liable, for ‘arm-rings weighing 0.5 kg are truly exceptional’, although the existence of ‘oath-rings’ themselves is not in any doubt, given 218 JAMES GRAHAM-CAMPBELL that the contemporary Anglo-Saxon Chronicle, for the year 876, records the Vikings swearing an oath ‘on the holy ring which they had never before done for any other people’ (Graham-Campbell 2000, 7; quoting this passage from Page 1995, 30) SOME REFLECTIONS ON THE STUDY OF VIKING-AGE SILVER HOARDS When I commenced work on the Viking-Age silver hoards of Ireland, at the beginning of the 1970s (Graham-Campbell 2001, 50), the term ‘coin hoard’ was then in general use (as still today) both of hoards that consist solely of coins and of those that contain a mixture of coins and non-numismatic silver (whether ingots, ornaments and/or hacksilver) At that time, research was focussed on the coins themselves, so as to establish a chronology for the deposition of the coin hoards and also to enable the study of their geographical distribution, against an historical background (cf Dolley 1966) My initial studies of ninth/tenth-century silver brooches from Ireland was directed in particular to those coin hoards that contain example of silver brooches and/or their fragments (whether or not found in Ireland), in an endeavour to refine the chronology for their manufacture The term ‘mixed hoard’ seemed appropriate for the particular category of hoard then under discussion, which led to my use of the term ‘coinless hoard’ for the remainder At that time, it was a matter of importance to highlight the existence of a substantial body of archaeological material, in the form of precious metal, which was not finding its place in the discussion of the distribution and use of silver during the Viking Age in Ireland, simply because coins were lacking from their contents (Graham-Campbell 1976) Today, of course, this point no longer needs to be laboured This simplistic three-fold division of the hoard material does, however, still seem to me, at any rate, to remain a useful working-tool, for the preliminary stage of assessing the totality of the available evidence, even if a more sophisticated approach is essential for its detailed analysis, as has now been proposed by John Sheehan for Ireland Sheehan’s classificatory system (see Sheehan, Chapter 9, in this volume) has previously been presented by him in greater detail elsewhere (Sheehan 2001, 57–59), although it has yet to be commented on in print It is based on a fivefold division of 67 coinless and mixed hoards, based on the presence/absence of ornaments, ingots and hacksilver (Gaimster’s ‘special-purpose money’), regardless of whether they contain coins or not There is therefore no place in this scheme for the 41 hoards of ninth/tenth-century date from Ireland containing ‘coins only’, given that it deliberately embraces only those hoards belonging to the ‘display economy’ (Sheehan Class 1) and to the ‘bullion economy’ (Sheehan Classes 2–5) The status of a ninth-century hoard consisting solely of coins (when Ireland was not coin-using), such as that from Mullaghboden, Co Kildare (deposited c 847), which is comprised entirely of ‘loot from Aquitaine’, is thus not addressed, although in this case it clearly cannot be considered as a ‘currency hoard’ (Dolley 1961; Graham-Campbell 1976, 48, 63) Sheehan’s scheme may be summarised as follows: Class 1: complete ornaments only Class 2: complete ingots only Class 3: complete ornaments and complete ingots only REFLECTIONS ON ‘SILVER ECONOMY’ 219 Class 4: complete ingots and/or complete ornaments, with hack-silver Class 5: hack-silver only ‘Only’ is thus a relative term in this context, given that 15 of these hoards also contain coins, but then this element in their composition is seemingly not considered relevant to gaining ‘a more accurate impression of the degree of variation in those hoards which contain non-numismatic material’ (as above) Sheehan acknowledges, however, the complex role played by coins during the ninth and tenth centuries in Ireland, commenting that they ‘could variously be regarded as bullion, ornaments or money’ Gaimster’s approach to the classification of the Viking-Age hoards from two different parts of Scandinavia (as above, in Chapter 7, in this volume) differs somewhat from Sheehan’s in being based on a division of the silver into the following four categories: (i) coins (ii) bars and ingots (iii) hack-silver (iv) personal ornaments The information to be gained by including coins in such a study is succinctly stated by her (in part) as follows (pp 127–128): The presence of coins in the finds enabled a study of changes in the regional use of silver through time, but their varied provenance … also provides information about external contacts and the contexts of exchange To what degree foreign coins circulated as a means of payment in Scandinavia is a difficult question, where features like peck-marks or the transformation of coins into pendants certainly suggest differences in the use of this medium It seems to me therefore that Sheehan, by omitting coins altogether from his classificatory system, might be considered to have thrown out the baby with the bathwater The problem is therefore how best they might be integrated into his scheme It is obviously possible to identify those coins that were converted into ornaments and thus to classify them accordingly; likewise, randomly cut or mutilated coins can readily be classified as a further type of hack-silver But what then of complete coins (or, indeed, halves) in good condition? If not being treated as money, they are bullion and thus, in practice, constitute small ingots However, ingots are specially manufactured (frequently by melting down coins) and thus represent a clear-cut category of bullion on their own Given their light weight compared with ingots proper, it would probably be most practical for Sheehan to regard the relevant coins (other than those converted into ornaments) as a form of hacksilver, whether complete or fragmentary, when they occur in the 15 ‘mixed’ hoards which need to be accommodated in his classificatory system, while remaining alert to the numismatic strictures of Kristin Bornholdt Collins (see p 214), which necessitate her taking a diametrically opposed approach to the same material Doubtless their two different avenues of exploration will lead to the emergence of some form of consensus in due course Meanwhile, it remains as potentially misleading for an archaeologist to discuss the economic role of silver in Viking-Age Ireland (or Britain) without reference to coins and coin hoards, as it has been for numismatists to so without reference to the ingots, ornaments and hack-silver, which form part of their ‘coin hoards’ It is for this very reason 220 JAMES GRAHAM-CAMPBELL that Mark Blackburn’s contribution to this volume, discussing the significance of gold in later Anglo-Saxon England (Chapter 5), makes such a valuable advance in that he combines numismatic and archaeological approaches to a single end, as he has earlier done by initiating debate on the nature of ‘the dual economy in the Danelaw’ (Blackburn 2001; 2002; Graham-Campbell 2001) SOME REFLECTIONS ON THE VIKING-AGE SILVER HOARDS OF IRELAND It is hardly surprising therefore that the first critique of Sheehan’s approach to studying the ninth/tenth-century hoards from Ireland has come in the PhD thesis of Mark Blackburn’s research student, Dr Kristin Bornholdt Collins (2003), for which she researched the Viking-Age hoards from the Isle of Man The following two passages reflect her current concerns (and those of some others, including myself): Sheehan demonstrated that in Ireland most of the coinless hoards and mixed hoards occur in native Irish contexts, far away from Scandinavian Dublin (2001, figure 9) They overshadow what by contrast appears to be only a small amount of numismatic material from all of Ireland, at least in terms of its value by weight (Kenny 1987, 517–518) Unfortunately, this has resulted in a somewhat distorted view of the coin hoards, which tend to get dismissed since they are less remarkable in character and quantity What Kenny, Sheehan and others have misunderstood is the fact that coins are present in so many Irish finds, but in relatively small numbers, is evidence in itself that they had a purpose beyond the melting pot The present study rejects therefore the popular assumption that coins in this context were automatically regarded as bullion, soon to be transformed into ingots or ornaments This is not viable when so many coins have survived whole, i.e in a condition that tells a different story (Bornholdt Collins 2003, 210) Accepting that Class hoards represent ‘a manifestation of the social function of wealth’, Bornholdt Collins proceeds to comment (in part, as follows) on the second sphere of silver circulation: [This] reflects commercial developments, and signals the beginning stages of regular coin use Naturally the latter required smaller quantities of silver and the finds are less impressive in terms of their total weight, but this is important evidence in itself of the purpose coins served and the economic thinking which put them to use It is therefore misleading when Sheehan concludes that, based on the magnitude of the coinless hoards, a ‘core era for the study of Scandinavian activity’ is that spanning the second half of the ninth century and the first half of the tenth (2001, 54) The succeeding period is equally important, but its archaeological manifestation is less dazzling and tells a different story, providing crucial evidence of a fundamental shift in the role of silver (Bornholdt Collins 2003, 211) There is no doubt, however, that Sheehan’s classificatory system, as it stands, has enabled him to develop important new insights into the interpretation of coinless hoards, in particular, but these are clearly issues for further consideration when he comes to complete his ‘definitive account’ of the Irish hoard material At the same time, it is as well to remain aware of the overall complexity of his scheme when taken to its limits For instance, his Class (Chapter 9, in this volume, Table 9.1) provides 18 possible REFLECTIONS ON ‘SILVER ECONOMY’ 221 subdivisions for a total of 18 hoards It is hardly surprising therefore that five of these subdivisions are each represented by a single hoard – and that seven are left vacant REFLECTIONS ON SOME FURTHER TOPICS Topics that were not specifically addressed at the symposium on ‘Silver Economy in the Viking Age’ are various Little attention was given to the sources of silver (other than by Birgitta Hårdh), or to the reasons why so many hoards were deposited and never recovered, although the question is raised in Märit Gaimster’s paper (cf Samson 1991, 128–131; Williams 2004, 80–82) Likewise, there is the question as to what else, besides ornaments of precious metal and hack-silver, would have served as ‘special purpose money’, although this was a theme of James Barrett’s paper (being published elsewhere) After all, for the Late Norse period in the Earldom of Orkney: One should also consider that tribute was probably not paid exclusively in silver … but also in produce of equivalent value to the amount of silver assessed (Williams 2004, 102–103) Finally, there is Susan Kruse’s chapter on ‘Trade and exchange across frontiers’ (Chapter 10, in this volume) to be highlighted for its thoughtful – and thought-provoking – attempt to address the central, but usually neglected, question: how did the Vikings, in practice, actually manage to spend their ‘special-purpose money’? This should be stimulus enough to provide the central topic for another such symposium (cf Hårdh 1978) Such should also concern itself with the closely related matter, only touched upon by Kruse, of the nature of the goods traded and exchanged This remains one of the outstanding questions: what did the Vikings spend their ‘money’ on? It is one that was addressed by David Wilson, and others, during the 1970s/80s (Wilson 1980; 1982), partly in response to a debate initiated by Peter Sawyer in his chapters on ‘Treasure’ and ‘Towns and Trade’ in the first edition of The Age of the Vikings (1962, 83–116, 168–192) In particular, Sawyer suggested that ‘the rarity of English and Frankish coins’ in ninth-century Scandinavia was because ‘the raiders did not take their winnings home, but rather used them as a sort of capital with which to settle’ (1962, 98; 1971, 100; cf Wilson 1982, 259–160) The investment of silver in the purchase and/or capitalisation of land was clearly an important element in the economy of the Viking Age, but Sawyer was perhaps over hasty in dismissing the alternative explanation (1962, 98; 1971, 100) that the early raiders were unused to coin and therefore quickly converted any coins they may have acquired into ornaments or ingots This seems very improbable If the raiders were only interested in the weight of their silver, it would not matter much to them if the silver was coined or bullion The attention drawn in this volume to the ‘display economy’ requires such ideas to be revisited Indeed, the questions highlighted here are amongst those currently being posed in the context of the post-excavation analysis of ‘the kaupang at Skiringssal’ (cf the sections on ‘What is trade?’ and ‘Business in the kaupang’, in Skre and Stylegar 2004, 52–58) Here then is newly excavated evidence to bring to bear on these matters, with the first volume 222 JAMES GRAHAM-CAMPBELL to appear in the Kaupang publication series (scheduled for 2006) being that on The Means of Exchange References Blackburn, M (2001), ‘Expansion and control: aspects of Anglo-Scandinavian minting south of the Humber’, in J Graham-Campbell, R Hall, J Jesch and D N Parsons (eds), Vikings and the Danelaw Select Papers from the Proceedings of the Thirteenth Viking Congress, Oxbow Books, Oxford, 125–142 Blackburn, M (2002), ‘Finds from the Anglo-Saxon site of Torksey, Lincolnshire’, in B Paszkiewicz (ed), Moneta Mediævalis Studia numizmatyczne i historyczne ofiarowane Profesorowi Stanislawowi Suchodolskiemu w 65 rocznice˛ urodzin, Instytut Archeologii i Etnologii Polskiej Akademii Nauk, Warsaw, 89–101 Bornholdt Collins, K (2003), ‘Viking Age Coin Finds from the Isle of Man: a Study of Coin Circulation, Production and Concepts of Wealth’, unpublished PhD dissertation, University of Cambridge Brøndsted, J (1965), The Vikings, Penguin, London Dolley, R H M (1961), ‘The 1871 Viking-age find of silver coins from Mullaghboden as a reflection of Westfalding intervention in Ireland’, Universitetets Oldsaksamlings Årbok (1960–61), 49–62 Dolley, R H M (1966), Sylloge of Coins in the British Isles, Vol The Hiberno-Norse Coins in the British Museum, British Museum, London Foote, P (ed) (1961), Snorri Sturluson, Heimskringla, Part 2: Sagas of the Norse Kings (translated by Samuel Laing), Everyman’s Library, Dent, London Friðriksson, A (1994), Sagas and Popular Antiquarianism in Icelandic Archaeology (Worldwide Archaeology Series 10), Avebury, Aldershot Gaimster, M (1991), ‘Money and media in Viking Age Scandinavia’, in Samson (ed), 113–122 Graham-Campbell, J (1976), ‘The Viking-age silver hoards of Ireland’, in B Almqvist and D Greene (eds), Proceedings of the Seventh Viking Congress, Dublin, 1973, Royal Irish Academy, Dublin, 39–74 Graham-Campbell, J (1982), ‘Viking silver hoards: an introduction’, in R T Farrell (ed), The Vikings, Phillimore, London and Chichester, 32–41 Graham-Campbell, J (1989), ‘The coinless hoard’, in H Clarke and E Schia (eds), Coins and Archaeology Medieval Research Group: Proceedings of the First Meeting at Isegran, Norway, 1988 (BAR, International Series 556), Oxford, 53–61 Graham-Campbell, J (2000), ‘The power of silver’, in Roesdahl and Sørensen (eds), 7–20 Graham-Campbell, J (2001), ‘The dual economy of the Danelaw: the Howard Linecar Memorial Lecture 2001’, BNJ 71 (2001), 49–59 Graham-Campbell, J (2005), ‘The Viking-age gold and silver of the North Atlantic region’, in S Arge and A Mortensen (eds), Viking and Norse North Atlantic: Select Papers from the Proceedings of the Fourteenth Viking Congress, Tórshavn, 19–30 July 2001, The Faroese Academy of Sciences, Tórshavn, 125–140 Hårdh, B (1978), ‘Trade and money in Scandinavia in the Viking Age’, Meddelanden från Lunds universitets historiska museum 1977–78 (New Series, 2), 157–171 Hårdh, B (1996), Silver in the Viking Age: a Regional-Economic Study (Acta Archaeologica Lundensia, Series in 8°, no 25), Almquist & Wiksell International, Stockholm Jesch, J (2000), ‘The power of poetry’, in Roesdahl and Sørensen (eds), 21–39 Kenny, M (1987), ‘The geographical distribution of Irish Viking-age coin hoards’, PRIA 87c, 507–525 REFLECTIONS ON ‘SILVER ECONOMY’ 223 Page, R I (1995), Chronicles of the Vikings, British Museum, London Roesdahl, E and Sørensen, P Meulengracht (eds) (2000), Beretning fra nittende tværfaglige vikingesymposium, Forlaget Hikuin, Højbjerg Samson, R (1991), ‘Fighting with silver: rethinking trading, raiding and hoarding’, in Samson (ed), 123–133 Samson, R (ed) (1991), Social Approaches to Viking Studies, Cruithne Press, Glasgow Sawyer, P H (1962), The Age of the Vikings (2nd ed, 1971), Edward Arnold, London Sheehan, J (2001), ‘Ireland’s early Viking-age silver hoards: components, structure and classification’, Acta Archaeologica (Supplementa II) 71, 49–63 Skre, D and Stylegar, F-A (2004), Kaupang: the Viking town, University of Oslo Williams, G (2004), ‘Land assessment and the silver economy of Norse Scotland’, in G Williams and P Bibire (eds), Sagas, Saints and Settlement, Brill, Leiden, 65–104 Wilson, D M (1980), Economic Aspects of the Vikings in the West – the Archaeological Basis (The 2nd Félix Neubergh Lecture, 1978), Gothenburg University Wilson, D M (1982), ‘The Vikings and their use of wealth in the ninth and tenth centuries’, Saga og sed (Kungl Gustav Adolfs Akademiens årsbok 1982), Uppsala, 252–261 Index Abbasid dinars 38-39, 59-61, 144-45; Abbassid era, trade connections in 135-38 Ỉlfgifu 190 Ỉthelred II 40, 56, 64-66, 86, 182 æstels 73, 78 Alfred 55-58, 63, 65, 73, 164-65, 169-71, 180, 189, 198-201 Almoravid dinars 59-60 Andrén, A 124, 128 Angeln 35-36, 43; Viking-age finds in 4345 Angers coins 116 Anglo-Saxon coins/objects 49-51, 58-67, 70, 80-87, 126, 149-50, 159, 179-206; AngloSaxon gold jewellery and artefacts 73-75 Anglo-Saxon weight systems 142 anonymous coins see silent coins Ansgar, Bishop 23, 25, 188-89 Aquitaine mints 51-52, 68, 218 Arabic coins see Islamic coins Archibald, M M 61, 70-71 Arne T J 142 Ashdon hoard 53, 197 Baugatal, the Icelandic law on blood-money 126, 216 Bayeux coins 100-106, 115 Bendixen, K 188 Birka 20-25, 40, 125, 163, 170, 172, 187, 193 Blackburn, M A S 181, 188, 196, 199, 201 Blunt, C E 1, 49, 62 Bornholdt Collins, K A 70, 204, 220 Bornholm, Arabic gold coin from 60 Brather, S 138 Brøgger, A W 143, 169 Brooks, N P 56 ‘bullion economy’ 178-84, 215-17 Byzantine gold solidus 38-39, 59 Byzantine silver coins 136 Byzantium 142 Callmer, J 138 Carolingian coinage 15, 18, 22, 51, 72, 79, 99-118, 188 Caucasus 136, 138 Chadwick, H M 58 Charlemagne 18, 142, 165, 185, 187 Charles the Bald 3, 99, 101-103, 108, 115116 Charles the Simple 51, 99, 102-103, 108, 180 Charvet, J 103-104 Chester 7-8, 75, 90 Chick, D Cloghermore Hoard 156-159 Cnut 8, 51, 56, 74, 130, 192, 194-95 Codex Aureus 57 coinage see also individual entries: English gold coinage (675-1250) 61-65; gold coinage in western and northern Europe 59-61; importance of 24; non-monetary functions of 180-81; regal coinage in Denmark 194-98; and silver economy in the Viking Age 177-207; south Scandinavian coinage in the ninth century 13-26 coin-based economy 178-79, 195, 197, 202, 205-06 see also coined money economies; types of, co-existence 181-85 coined money eceonomies 166-67, 171, 173 see also neutral exchange coin hoards 61, 68, 124, 149-60, 195-96, 201, 218-220 ‘coinless hoards’ 149, 151, 216, 220 coin production: and currency, in Normandy 99-121; coin production (864-77) 99-101; coin production (877-911/24) 102-109 coins see also individual entries: and currency and state formation 117-118; as jewellery 183 Combination-Groups (KG 1-6), in Scandinavian coinage 15-22, 16-17, 29; KG 7, 19, 36, 38 Coudres hoard 102, 109, 111, 116 ‘Co Antrim’ hoard 157, 161 Co Cork, gold ingots from 76, 156 Co Donegal 154-56 Co Kerry 156-57 Co Kilkenny 150, 154 Co Westmeath 155; gold arm-rings from 76 Coupland, S 68, 182, 188, 190 Coutances coins 100-102 Cross and Lozenge coinage 9, 50 Crumlin-Pedersen, O 186 CRVX coinage 190 225 226 INDEX Cuerdale hoard 9, 19-20, 89-90, 109; 179, 197-207; pecking on coins from 49-53, 50 Curtisasonien coins 100-102, 109, 115-116; minting of 109 Danelaw 7-9, 50, 52, 75, 89, 93, 161-168, 179-180, 184; and silver economy in Viking Age 196-202 Danish coinage 23, 40, 52, 182, 185-186, 192 Danish sceattas 14, 18 Darkevich, V P 134 Delfjizl hoard 68, 72 Denmark 6, 14, 25-26, 44, 89, 91-92, 128130, 139-144, 184-192, 202, 204; armrings from 91-92; ‘half-bracteates’ from 23; medieval Denmark 127; minting in 42, 124-125; in the ninth and tenth centuries 187; regal coinage in 177, 194-196; silver ‘ring-money’ from 181 Deux-Jumeaux coins 99-101 Devroey, J-P ‘display economy’ 215-218 Dodwell, C R 74-75 Dolley, M 204 Dorestad 2, 5, 14-18, 22-25, 29, 40, 188 Dublin 7, 150, 167, 172; High Street excavations 76; gold ingots from 76-77; minting at 160; Wood Quay excavations 76 Ducarel, A C 112 Duczko, W 190 Duplessy, J 59-60 East Anglia 2, 6, 8, 50-52, 149, 180, 184, 196-202 Eadgar 74; coinage reform of 7-8 Eadmund 108 Eadred 55-58, 65-67, 79 Edward the Elder, coins of 50, 64-66, 87, 165, 196, 201 Elgin 69, 71 England: gold in, during the ‘age of silver’ 55-98; gold ornaments of Scandinavian character from 75; sceattas from 3-5 Eudes 102 Europe 1, 6, 9, 14, 29, 40, 42, 66-69, 74, 78, 136-138, 179, 185-191; early medieval Europe 124-127; gold coinage in 59-61; West European coins 130-131, 142, 185 Evreux coins 99-102, 109-10,112 Evreux/Saint-Taurin hoards 109-111, 116117 Exeter excavations 70 Fatimid quarter-dinars 60 Fécamp hoard 109, 115 Fekhner, M V 142 Fell, C E 164 foreign trade, archaeological record of 165166 France 2, 59, 68, 70, 78 ‘Francia’/Frankish coins 59-60, 68, 99-121 Frankish weight systems 142 Franklin, S 136 Frisia 14, 68-69, 185, 189 Frisian runic sceattas Frisian sceattas 18 Gaimster, M 218-222 Gainsborough 70, 72, 76 Gariel, E 104 GDR-coins 99-109, 115-117 Germany 40, 52, 59 Godfred 187-188 gold 181-183 see also gold coins; AngloSaxon gold jewellery 73-75; Byzantine gold solidus 38-39; in England, in the ‘Age of Silver’ 55-98; gold finger-rings 73-77; Scandinavian gold ornaments, ingots and hack-gold 75-77; in the Scandinavian world 75-77 gold coins/coinage: in Britain, distribution map of, 72; in the British Isles, histogram of, 79; British finds of 80-85; English gold coinage 61-67; gold coinage in western and northern Europe 59-61; in western and northern Europe 59-61; in status economies 181-183 Gotland 60, 89, 92, 128-130, 135-137, 141144 graffiti 38, 137, 190 Graham-Campbell, J 49, 76-77, 91-93, 151, 155, 182-183, 203 Grierson, P 18, 57, 68-69, 163, 180 ‘grivna’ 141-143, 182 Grubenhaus 38, 43 Gurevitj, A 144 Guthrum 165, 171, 180, 189, 198 hack-gold; in Scandinavian world 75-77, in Britain and Ireland 89-93 hack-silver 35, 42-43, 76, 89, 91 123-130, 145, 149-161, 179-184, 197, 203, 216-221 ‘Half-bracteates’ 23, 37 Hamwic 2, 5, 69, 172 Harald Bluetooth, coinage of 23, 189 INDEX Harald Hardråde, coinage of, 39, 40, 178180, 192-194, 203, 206 Hårdh, B 24, 75, 155, 159, 182, 217 Hare Island hoard 76 Haussig, H-W 138 Haute-Isle, coins of 109 ‘Hebrides’ hoard, gold ornaments from 76 Hedeby coins 20, 23-24, 29-46, 117, 130, 146, 163-167, 171, 187-190 Hiberno-Norse/Scandinavian coinage 150152, 154, 160-161, 184, 202-204 Hinton, D A 58, 74, 172 Hlaðir earls 191-192, 200 hoard-finds and their structures 34-37 Hoen hoard 60, 68-69, 78, 81, 91, 142, 182183 Ibn Fadlan 140, 182, 202 Iceland 126, 177, 216, 218 Ilisch, L 57, 59, 62 Imbleville hoard 101, 115 Ipswich 2, 172 Ireland 7, 60, 77, 87, 91, 149-161, 165-170, 177, 202, 217-220 Islamic coins 9, 35, 38, 42, 57, 59-62, 67, 7980, 82, 85, 125, 130-31, 135, 138-45, 14951, 170, 180, 190, 203 Islandbridge, Viking graves at 170 Isle of Man 69, 71, 77, 202-205, 220 Italy 51-52, 59, 61-62, 67 Itil 138 Jesch, J 216 Jonsson, K 49 Juaye-Mondaye hoard 109, 115 Jutland 2, 5, 22, 186 Kama region 135-136 KAROLVS-monogram 99, 114-115 Kaupang 164, 172, 221 Kenny, M 149, 154 Kent 2, 63, 111 Khazaria/Khazars 18, 60, 136-140 Kilmacomma hoard 157-158 Kislaya 18, 20 Kosel, Viking-Age settlements of 43 Kotljar, N F 142 Kruse, S E 182 Kufic coins 49, 52, 143, 151 see also Arabic/Islamic coins Lafaurie, J 102-104 Le Maho, J 115 Le Mans mint 115-116 227 Le Talou mint 99-101 Lewes mint 65, 68 Lincolnshire 8, 70, 183, 197 Lisieux coins 100-102, 116 Loire 101, 114-116 Lombard, M 135 London 62-65 Longpérier, A de 111 Louis IV 110-111, 113-114, 116 Louis the Pious, coins of 14, 18-22, 57, 64, 82, 87, 109, 116-117, 188; and their imitations 67-73 Lunette pennies 52 Lyon, C S S 58 Magnús 192, 195-196 Malmer, B 29, 32, 49, 185-189, 193 ‘mancus’ 57-59, 93n1 Martin, J 138 Mauss, M 126 McCormick, M 57 Mercia 2, 50, 52 Merovingian plated coins 70 Metcalf, M 13-15, 18, 29, 101, 114, 184-186 ‘mixed’ hoards 149-151, 218 Moesgaard, J C 60, 68 monetisation 1-2, 5-9, 14, 23, 111, 205 Morkinskinna, saga compilation 178-179 Morrison, K F 19 Nazarenko, A V 142-143 Nelson, J L 188 Netherlands 51-52, 78 ‘Neustria’ 101, 114-115 neutral exchange, in foreign trade 166-169 Nightingale, P 58 Noonan, T S 137-138, 142 Norfolk 59, 70, 75, 89-90 Norman hoards 60, 71, 99-121 181 Normandy: coin production and currency in 99-121; Viking rulers in 180 North Sea regions: in the Pre-Viking and Viking Ages 1-9; and Ribe controversy 185-186 Northumbria 5, 18, 39-40 Norway 14, 23, 60, 69; and silver economy in Viking Age 190-193 Norwegian penny 39-40 Norwich excavations 75 obols 19 Odo coins, pecking pattern of 51 Offa 5, 57, 61-62, 66, 165, 185 Óláf Tryggvason 191-192, 205 228 INDEX Olof Skưtkonung 44, 193-194 Ưland: hoards 127-131; Arabic coins on 131; ‘Permian’ rings found on, 132 Pagan, H E 62, 65, 69, 73 pecking, coin testing by 49-53 ‘Permian’ rings, 132-133, 135-141, 143-146, 181 Persia 136, 142 polyhedral weights, 136, 141 Poey d’Avant, F 105 porcupines 185 pound, origins of 142 Rennes hoard 103, 115 Rhine valley 5-6, 40, 51 Ribe 2, 5, 13-20, 22, 44, 127; Ribe controversy and North Sea monetary zone 185-186; Post-Office excavation 21-22 Richard I 111, 114, 116 181 Richards, J D 197 Rollo 99, 109, 180 Roman period silver hoards 124 Rouen coins 99-117 Russia 138, 141, 144 Rus trade 138, 182, 215 Samanid, Arabic coin 145 Samson, R 163 Sawyer, P H 57, 180 Scandinavia 8-9, 52, 69, 130, 144 see also individual entries below Scandinavian coinage; chronology of 18-19; design in 16-18; dies, links and output in 20; in the ninth century, survey of 15-22; South-western Scandinavian mints 22-26; weight of 19-20 Scandinavian gold ornaments, ingots and hack-gold 75-78, 181-183 Scandinavian weight systems 141-143, 169171 sceattas 3-5, 14-18, 21-22, 38, 185-187, 206 Schleswig-Holstein 22-23, 34-37, 40, 141 Schuby 40, 43 Schwansen, Viking-Age finds in 43-45 Scotland 7, 69, 76, 182; and the Isle of Man 202-205 Sheehan, J 183, 202-203, 217-220 Shepard, J 136 Siefred coins 51 Sigtuna 43-44, 170, 193 ‘Sihtric Comes’ 180, 201 silent coins 13, 20-22, 127-131, 177-207, 215-221 Skaare, K 177, 191 Skovmand, R 143 ‘special-purpose money’ 78, 127-131, 218, 221 spherical weights 140 St Edmund coinage 9, 52 Steinfeld hoard 36, 38 Steuer, H 24, 140 Stevenson, R B K 204 Sweden 40, 43-44, 60, 193-194 Torksey 71, 73, 76, 77, 183 Tours-Chinon coins 116 Trewhiddle hoard 73, 75 Vjatka 139, 141, 143-144 Volga region 60, 133-144 Wallace, P 165 Warnke, C 138 weight systems 141-143, 169-171 Wessex 2, 8, 52, 70, 111, 180, 186, 199 Wiechmann, R 20, 24, 40 Wigmund, Archbishop 64, 66-67, 70, 72, 87 William I of England William I of Normandy, 109-114, 116-118, 180 Williams, G 1, 215 Wodan-Monster sceattas 5, 14-18, 21-22, 38, 185-187, 206 Woodhead, P 112-113 York coins 3, 7-9, 51, 60, 64-65, 69, 197-206 ... 11 KINGSHIP, CHRISTIANITY AND COINAGE: MONETARY AND POLITICAL PERSPECTIVES ON SILVER ECONOMY IN THE VIKING AGE Gareth Williams 149 163 177 12 REFLECTIONS ON SILVER ECONOMY IN THE VIKING AGE ... Archaeology at the University of Lund, with her main research interests being in the Iron Age and Viking Age She has published many important works on the Viking- Age silver of Scandinavia and the Baltic... MONETISED ECONOMY IN THE PRE -VIKING AND VIKING AGES D M Metcalf SOUTH SCANDINAVIAN COINAGE IN THE NINTH CENTURY Brita Malmer HEDEBY AND ITS HINTERLAND: A LOCAL NUMISMATIC REGION Ralf Wiechmann 29 THE