BUILDING A SUSTAINABLE POLITICAL ECONOMY: SPERI RESEARCH & POLICY Series Editors: Colin Hay and Anthony Payne DEVELOPING ENGLAND’S NORTH The Political Economy of the Northern Powerhouse Edited by Craig Berry and Arianna Giovannini www.ebook3000.com Building a Sustainable Political Economy: SPERI Research & Policy Series Editors Colin Hay SPERI University of Sheffield Sheffield, UK Anthony Payne SPERI University of Sheffield Sheffield, UK “The Northern Powerhouse has been surrounded by hype and rhetoric Here is the absolutely vital corrective: a collection of chapters exploring the historical, territorial and structural reality of the political economy of the North Packed with evidence, assembled with exemplary scholarship.” —Michael Moran, Emeritus Professor of Government at University of Manchester, UK “At last, a serious academic contribution to the Northern Powerhouse debate that takes on the agglomeraniacs and Treasury tinkerers both empirically and philosophically Despite offering a withering critique of progress to date, this book is far from pessimistic and instead represents a clarion call for a progressive, pan-Northern politics putting the North of England once again at the vanguard of economic and democratic reinvention.” —Ed Cox, Director at IPPR North, UK “This book offers new insights into the political economy of the North of England The topics covered are wide-ranging – from science policy to economic development – but the common theme is the policy agendas needed to address the North-South divide (and why existing approaches have failed) Berry and Giovannini's important book is required reading for academics and policy-makers interested in this agenda.” —Neil Lee, Assistant Professor of Economic Geography at London School of Economics and Political Science, UK The Sheffield Political Economy Research Institute (SPERI) is an innovation in higher education research and outreach It brings together leading international researchers in the social sciences, policy makers, journalists and opinion formers to reassess and develop proposals in response to the political and economic issues posed by the current combination of financial crisis, shifting economic power and environmental threat Building a Sustainable Political Economy: SPERI Research & Policy will serve as a key outlet for SPERI’s published work Each title will summarise and disseminate to an academic and postgraduate student audience, as well as directly to policymakers and journalists, key policy-oriented research findings designed to further the development of a more sustainable future for the national, regional and world economy following the global financial crisis It takes a holistic and interdisciplinary view of political economy in which the local, national, regional and global interact at all times and in complex ways The SPERI research agenda, and hence the focus of the series, seeks to explore the core economic and political questions that require us to develop a new sustainable model of political economy at all times and in complex ways More information about this series at http://www.springer.com/series/14879 www.ebook3000.com Craig Berry · Arianna Giovannini Editors Developing England’s North The Political Economy of the Northern Powerhouse Editors Craig Berry University of Sheffield Sheffield, UK Arianna Giovannini De Montfort University Leicester, UK Building a Sustainable Political Economy: SPERI Research & Policy ISBN 978-3-319-62559-1 ISBN 978-3-319-62560-7  (eBook) https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-62560-7 Library of Congress Control Number: 2017948250 © The Editor(s) (if applicable) and The Author(s) 2018 This work is subject to copyright All rights are solely and exclusively licensed by the Publisher, whether the whole or part of the material is concerned, specifically the rights of translation, reprinting, reuse of illustrations, recitation, broadcasting, reproduction on microfilms or in any other physical way, and transmission or information storage and retrieval, electronic adaptation, computer software, or by similar or dissimilar methodology now known or hereafter developed The use of general descriptive names, registered names, trademarks, service marks, etc in this publication does not imply, even in the absence of a specific statement, that such names are exempt from the relevant protective laws and regulations and therefore free for general use The publisher, the authors and the editors are safe to assume that the advice and information in this book are believed to be true and accurate at the date of publication Neither the publisher nor the authors or the editors give a warranty, express or implied, with respect to the material contained herein or for any errors or omissions that may have been made The publisher remains neutral with regard to jurisdictional claims in published maps and institutional affiliations Cover illustration: Pattern adapted from an Indian cotton print produced in the 19th century Printed on acid-free paper This Palgrave Macmillan imprint is published by Springer Nature The registered company is Springer International Publishing AG The registered company address is: Gewerbestrasse 11, 6330 Cham, Switzerland www.ebook3000.com Dedicated to the memory of Jo Cox MP (1974–2016) Proud daughter of the North, citizen of the world, inspiration to us all Contents Introduction: Powerhouse Politics and Economic Development in the North Craig Berry and Arianna Giovannini Part I Economic Policy and the Political Economy of Northern Development Reviving the ‘Northern Powerhouse’ and Spatially Rebalancing the British Economy: The Scale of the Challenge 23 Ron Martin and Ben Gardiner Law, Legislation and Rent-Seeking: The Role of the Treasury-Led Developmental State in the Competitive Advantage of the Southern Powerhouse 59 Simon Lee ‘D is for Dangerous’: Devolution and the Ongoing Decline of Manufacturing in Northern England 85 Craig Berry vii www.ebook3000.com viii  Contents Powerhouse of Science? Prospects and Pitfalls of Place-Based Science and Innovation Policies in Northern England 121 Kieron Flanagan and James Wilsdon Part II  Place, City-Regional Governance and Local Politics The Northern Powerhouse Meets the Cities and Local Growth Agenda: Local Economic Policymaking and Agglomeration in Practice 141 Nick Gray, Lee Pugalis and Danny Dickinson The Uneven Governance of Devolution Deals in Yorkshire: Opportunities, Challenges and Local (Di)Visions 165 Arianna Giovannini Leading the Way? The Relationship Between ‘Devo-Manc’, Combined Authorities and the Northern Powerhouse 199 Georgina Blakeley and Brendan Evans From Problems in the North to the Problematic North: Northern Devolution Through the Lens of History 217 Daryl Martin, Alex Schafran and Zac Taylor Part III Inequality and Austerity in the Northern Powerhouse Agenda 10 Regionalisation and Civil Society in a Time of Austerity: The Cases of Manchester and Sheffield 241 David Beel, Martin Jones and Ian Rees Jones Contents   ix 11 Civic Financialisation: Financing the Northern Powerhouse 261 Kevin Muldoon-Smith and Paul Greenhalgh 12 The Recomposition of the Tax System: Exacerbating Uneven Development Through the Northern Powerhouse Agenda 285 Daniel Bailey Part IV  Conclusion 13 A Better Place 309 Craig Berry and Arianna Giovannini Index 321 www.ebook3000.com List of Figures Fig. 2.1 Annual growth of employment in Northern Core Cities and London, 1971–2014: cumulative deviation from Great Britain average Fig. 2.2 Annual growth of gross value added in Northern Core Cities and London, 1971–2014: cumulative deviation from Great Britain average Fig. 2.3 Labour productivity across 85 British cities, 1971 and 2014 Fig. 2.4 Relative labour productivity (GVA per Employed Worker) in Northern Core Cities and London, 1971–2014, (Great Britain = 100) Fig. 2.5 Export base employment in the Northern Powerhouse Regions and London, 1971–2014 (Indexed 1971 = 100) Fig. 2.6 Export base employment in the Northern Core Cities and London, 1971–2014 (Indexed 1971 = 100) Fig. 2.7 International exports of manufactured goods from the Northern Powerhouse Regions and London, 1995–2015 (Nominal Prices, 1996 = 100) Fig. 5.1 Research Council income (£m) versus HEFCE QR income (£m) for four ‘Golden Triangle’ institutions plus the University of Manchester Fig. 10.1 The geography of jobs across the Northern Powerhouse Fig. 10.2 Outline of GMCR and SCR devolution deals and LA membership Fig. 11.1 An international comparison of local fiscal autonomy Fig. 11.2 How business rate retention works Fig. 12.1 Regional Surpluses and Deficits, 2013/2014 34 35 37 37 39 40 42 128 245 247 267 269 289 xi 312  C Berry and A Giovannini and its constituent parts This book offers only an initial foray into this intellectual agenda, drawing upon work undertaken by academic experts across a range of relevant disciplines We are convinced, however, that both the rationale and the raw ingredients for a critically oriented ‘local political economy’ approach exists, combining economic geography’s focus on the spatiality of economic organisation, connections between sites of production and the unevenness of socio-economic life, and political economy’s abiding interest in the role of power, institutions and ideas—at the national and international levels—in determining how capitalist economies develop (Cox 1987; Jones 2015; MacKinnon et al 2015; Martin 2015; Watson 2005) * While acknowledging the varied empirical focus and disciplinary background of the authors, we believe eight key lessons can be distilled from the book’s analyses First, the multiple developmental dilemmas facing the North are very long-standing in nature The 2008 economic crisis may have transformed the rubric through which these dilemmas are confronted, but has probably sharpened their bite as well as providing an opportunity to illuminate their obstinacy Second, many chapters have stressed that the notion of the North–South divide dominates the debate on economic development in the North, and the governance of development, in ways that are no longer particularly productive It is apparent that the North continues to be framed mainly in negative terms, insofar as it needs to ‘catch up’ to the South However, the presence of spatial economic imbalance in the UK is not merely related to the idea of a ‘problematic North’; instead it is underpinned by a systemic London-centric bias, and should be understood as an entrenched, persistent and institutionalised feature of the national political economy As such, the role of the South—and in particular the concentration of economic, financial and political power in London—in relation to the North needs to be problematised Even if (parts of) the South could be said to represent an exemplar for the North to learn from, we would be required to acknowledge the role that the North’s subservience plays in the South’s developmental success Third, several accounts in the book have shed light on the limits of urban agglomeration in theory and practice This epistemological framing currently provides a large part of the rationale for the Northern Powerhouse and related agendas, and has been absorbed into elite practices in the North, as well as national policy for the North Agglomerationbased theory overlooks too much of what in practice is ‘holding back’ the 13  A BETTER PLACE  313 North, and the apparent enablement of agglomerative dynamics through public policy is likely to widen, rather than bridge, existing gaps not only between the North and the South, but also across the North Fourth, the importance of appraising the politics of economic development in the North via an understanding of where Northern cities and regions are situated within wider domestic and international production processes, and, importantly, how the North’s status within these processes is upheld by the maintenance of a national growth model Whilst the Northern Powerhouse (and, as discussed below, the devolution deals linked to it) touches upon post-crisis concerns around place and empowerment, beyond the rhetoric Northern regions continue to have limited powers over the structures and practices that govern their economic make-up Fifth, one of the themes running throughout the book is the dysfunctional nature of the governance of economic development in the North The introduction of new (and often overlapping) institutional structures from the top-down, adding complexity to an already overcrowded system of governance, is a core trait of the governance system in this regard Crucially, these new institutional arrangements graft onto a policy framework that is led by central government and lacks coherence, especially in terms of strategic coordination, long-term planning and funding—hindering the development of place-specific architectures and subnational policy Sixth, and related to this, the disorderly nature of this framework is epitomised by the uneven governance of devolution deals While presented as key to unlocking economic development in the North, in practice ‘devo-deals’ are emerging as mere bespoke partnership agreements between national and local elites, which involve modest powers as well as vast liabilities, are based on artificial (and often problematic) functional geographies, and have little resonance among local communities As emphasised by several contributions in this volume, devolution could benefit and empower those areas, such as Greater Manchester, that already have a degree of institutional maturity and experience of cooperation between local authorities However, by the same token, other parts of the North where such frameworks are nascent or still missing could end up (and in many respects already are) being marginalised, fostering dynamics of local tribalism, competition and suspicion between localities—within which local interests supersede cross-regional and/or pan-northern ones This points us towards the seventh main lesson that can be taken from the book, that is, the lack of democratic accountability evident in the devolution agenda and local governance processes in the North more generally The top-down approach to state restructuring and institutional www.ebook3000.com 314  C Berry and A Giovannini (re)arrangement promoted by the central government has facilitated practices of inclusion and exclusion in the negotiation and decisionmaking processes that underpin ‘devo deals’ Generally speaking, only certain actors (typically political leaders and business representatives in the so-called ‘core-cities’) have been granted a voice, and residents are seldom aware of, let alone involved in, the apparent transformation of the means by which their local economies are ostensibly being shaped That the Northern Powerhouse and related initiatives have been justified precisely on the basis that they enhance local democracy serves to compound a long-standing ‘democratic deficit’ within the North Finally, there are a set of specific lessons—explored most extensively in the chapters by Bailey, and Muldoon-Smith and Greenhalgh—around tax reform and fiscal decentralisation Moves towards making local authorities more dependent on the taxes they raise locally reinforce the structural disadvantage of the North There are fewer profitable firms and wealthy individuals in Northern cities and regions from which tax revenue can be raised and, moreover, strong incentives for areas in the North to cut local taxes in the hope of attracting such firms and individuals into their jurisdiction (invariably creating mutually destructively competitive relations between different parts of the North) At the same time, local authorities are increasingly expected to shoulder the burden of financing public services in the context of austerity More generally, the differential impact of austerity on the North features in several of the book’s chapters * Politics is about power and, in simple terms, political economy is concerned with the role of political power in shaping economic life While recognising that power takes many forms, and that the process for devolving some formal, institutional powers to some Northern cityregions is hugely flawed, our view—generally supported by the analyses of this book—is that the opportunity represented by the devolution agenda as it stands must be seized by the North The devolution on offer is limited and conditional, and in some ways reinforces the North’s subservience within the national development model, but also arises in part from evident weaknesses in the UK’s over-centralised political economy There is a chance therefore that the North can push now for a more progressive, ambitious and genuinely empowering model of devolution, and one which assists efforts to construct a new role for Northern cities and regions in a transformed UK growth model We should of course be 13  A BETTER PLACE  315 under no illusion that more power to the North would allow it to buck the transnational core/periphery dynamics which shape its political–economic environments Ultimately, however, more power is better than less power—especially given the disappointing track record of national political authorities in the UK in terms of supporting Northern regions in responding to wider shifts in capitalist organisation Although it would be impossible to delineate a comprehensive agenda here, we believe several other, related policy reforms should be pursued in order to enable the North to develop its economy in a more sustainable manner The devolution agenda must be based on a profound rethinking of centre-local relations; we should focus not only on rearranging local government, but also a radical transformation of governance structures at all levels, established in a new constitutional settlement The centre itself would be reformed in this process, via reconsideration of the function of key macroeconomic policy bodies such as the Treasury and the Bank of England, the relocation of some of the core functions of government departments—and perhaps even Parliament—away from the capital Reform of the upper chamber, the House of Lords, should include elements of regional representation Moreover, the institutional reforms that take place within local government in the North should not be constrained by prescriptive forms of governance imposed by the centre, which are increasingly based exclusively on the spatial imaginary of the city-region We believe that the most suitable solution for the North would be to allow for the creation of multiple layers of political authority, that is, at metropolitan, regional, and pan-northern levels Crucially, subnational governance in the North should be democratised as well as federalised In a political climate characterised by increasing levels of disillusionment, devolution could and should provide an effective way to improve the relationship between citizens and the political system To achieve this, local communities must be given a say over decisions concerning how the North should be governed, and should be actively engaged in the debate about their political and economic future (Cox 2017) Too often, local political leaders in the North themselves seek to sideline the inputs of the communities they represent They should instead seize the opportunity to provide a collective voice for their localities, their regions and the North in general—a platform which would in turn enhance their legitimacy in negotiations with the centre over power and resources www.ebook3000.com 316  C Berry and A Giovannini Economic development in the North will be impossible without a UK-wide industrial strategy that builds upon the economic strengths and potential of Northern cities and regions Industrial strategy means that government thinks strategically about how to utilise its resources and the inherent strengths of the sovereign state (such as its longer time horizons and unparalleled ability to spread risk) to improve the productive capacity of the economy The UK has remarkably few robust organs of industrial strategy at either national or local levels—and those that have existed at the subnational level have been effectively neutered or abolished in recent years, despite the rhetorical focus on ‘rebalancing’ among policy elites At the same time, it is clear that the UK state has pursued an industrial strategy by other means in recent decades, to the benefit of the finance sector and the City of London That this strategy has proven unsustainable in developmental terms (from a national perspective) underlines the need for an industrial strategy that is place-based rather than place-blind, recognising the particular assets of different areas rather than assuming each can or should seek to replicate the local developmental model of London Northern cities and regions must be mobilised in service of a new, nationwide industrial strategy and, at the same time, empowered to determine the specific mix of industrial policy measures appropriate to their local economies The inherent bias of financial institutions to London-based economic activity—an inevitable consequence of a London-centric growth model— means that reforms to the regulation of the banking sector and capital markets must be central to any industrial policy agenda This would better enable much-needed infrastructure investment in the North, which is presently disincentivised within finance sector business models, but more generally provide greater opportunities for long-term capital investment by private companies At a seemingly more mundane level, local authorities must be able to devote greater resources to understanding the local economies over which they preside The provision of detailed information on the composition and performance of local economies in England is inadequate and, coupled with a lack of economic and industrial policy expertise among local officials, serves to undermine the North’s ability to demonstrate its particular needs, and indeed its value to the national economy Furthermore, it is vital that the interests of the North are central to the Brexit process At the very least, European funds invested into the North must be replaced, and enhanced, by the UK government in due course More fundamentally, given the significance to European 13  A BETTER PLACE  317 production networks to productive activity in the North, Northern cities and regions must be treated by the central government as a partner when negotiating a new trading relationship with the continuing EU The question of fiscal decentralisation hangs over any attempt to devolve meaningful economic powers to the local level It is clear that the reform of local taxes associated with the Northern Powerhouse and devolution agendas poses a serious challenge to economic development in the North New freedoms to raise local business and property taxes is connected to efforts to paper over the cracks in public services created by austerity, and new freedoms to lower local taxes constitutes an attempt by central government to instil a ‘race to the bottom’ among local authorities in order to attract exogenous investment in high-employment (but low-wage) sectors The developmental model implied by this scenario is not one that is likely to benefit the North It is not appropriate for any locality, particularly structurally disadvantaged areas in the North, to become more dependent on the revenue it is able to raise only within its own boundaries to fund local government Instead, comprehensive tax reform should be subject to a new centre-local settlement, enabling more opportunities, not fewer, for the redistribution of tax revenues between areas—as well as providing for a more nimble tax system that can prevent overheating in certain local economies where necessary, and better ensures the success of prosperous areas is not threatened by a lack of economic resilience elsewhere in the domestic economy that they are inherently dependent upon (Engelen et al 2016) This does not mean that local authorities should not have some tax powers; they should, for instance, have the ability to adjust national tax policies locally in order combat rent-seeking behaviour connected to land and property holdings, as and when such behaviour stands in the way of local economic development There is also an array of more limited and straightforward reforms that could make a significant difference to local economic development in the North (see McInroy et al 2016) For example, national purchasing frameworks and restrictive procurement practices prevent local economies from utilising the potential of ‘anchor institutions’ within their economy Anchors are organisations which have a sizeable local presence, usually through a combination of being large-scale employers, one of the largest purchasers of goods and services in the locality, controlling large areas of land, and/or having relatively fixed assets Arguably, the North’s economy is stronger than it appears, given the location of anchors within www.ebook3000.com 318  C Berry and A Giovannini ‘foundational’ economic sectors such as health and education, yet it is not sufficiently able to build upon this strength in the construction of a development model more tailored to the characteristics of constituent cities and regions Local authorities should be empowered to use their own purchasing power—and direct that of locally rooted employers— to, for instance, encourage suppliers to create quality career progression opportunities for their workforces, provide support to the voluntary and community sector, and indeed invest in local supply chain development The notion of anchor institutions is usually applied to public sector or pseudo-public sector organisations, but its logic could be extended to the private sector, whereby large private firms were supported to operate in the local economy on the basis of a social license which would ensure their profit-making activities are aligned with local developmental needs (Bowman et al 2014) Above all, and encompassing all the points raised thus far, the dominant narrative that portrays the North as inherently problematic should be reversed In many respects, such top-down, London-centric framing of the North has been internalised by national and local elites, and is reflected in the current devolution and Northern Powerhouse agenda Yet while the North has distinctive characteristics, it is not uniquely disadvantaged, and the path towards de-development is not set in stone A national conversation that focuses on the ‘divide’ between the North and South—while rightly illuminating endemic inequalities—leads to the political–economic interactions between different parts of the UK being overlooked and under-theorised Similarly, a seemingly progressive agenda focused on helping the North to ‘catch up’ to more developed local economies is a narrative which paints the North as failing, rather than constrained We need to turn the current motifs of ‘empowerment’ and ‘localism’ from rhetoric into reality To achieve this, local leaders need to be bolder, and to coalesce, overcoming local tribalism, and focusing on building cohesive political agenda across the Northern regions They should also mobilise and find strength in the local and regional identities that characterise the North—so as to build an inclusive political project based on shared civic and community values that speak both for and to the people, and aims at actively involving them in the construction of a more progressive and sustainable developmental path 13  A BETTER PLACE  319 References Berry, C 2016a Austerity politics and UK economic policy Basingstoke: Palgrave Berry, C 2016b The resurrected right and disoriented left: Growth model failure and the nascent politics of a transformative narrative SPERI Paper No 27 Available from: http://speri.dept.shef.ac.uk/wp-content/uploads/2016/02/ SPERI-Paper-27-The-Resurrected-Right-and-Disoriented-Left.pdf Accessed March 2017 Berry, C., and C Hay 2016 The great British ‘rebalancing’ act: The construction and implementation of an economic imperative for exceptional times British Journal of Politics and International Relations 18 (1): 3–25 Bowman, A., I Ertürk, J Froud, S Johal, J Law, A Leaver, M Moran, and K Williams 2014 The end of the experiment From competition to the foundational economy Manchester: Manchester University Press Cox, R.W 1987 Production, power and world order: Social forces in the making of history New York: Columbia University Press Cox (ed.) 2017 Taking back control in the North A council of the North and other ideas Manchester: IPPR North Available from: http://www.ippr.org/ publications/taking-back-control-in-the-north Accessed 21 Apr 2017 Engelen, E., J Froud, S Johal, A Salento, K Williams 2016 How cities work: A policy agenda for the grounded city CRESC Working Paper No 141 Available from: http://www.cresc.ac.uk/medialibrary/workingpapers/wp141 pdf Accessed March 2017 Giovannini, A 2016 Towards a ‘New English Regionalism’ in the North? The case of Yorkshire First The Political Quarterly 87 (4): 590–600 Jones, C 2015 On capital, space and the world system: a response to Ron Martin Territory, Politics, Governance (3): 273–293 Kenny, M 2014 The politics of English nationhood Oxford: Oxford University Press Kenny, M 2015 The origins and drivers of English nationhood British Politics 10 (3): 356–361 MacKinnon, D., A Cumbers, A Pike, K Birch, and R McMaster 2015 Evolution in economic geography: Institutions, political economy, and adaptation Economic Geography 85 (2): 129–150 Martin, R 2015 Rebalancing the spatial economy: The challenge for regional theory Territory, Politics, Governance (3): 236–272 McCann, P 2016 The UK regional-national economic problem: Geography, globalisation and governance London: Routledge McInroy, N., C Berry, T Hunt, A.G Whillans-Welldrake, and M Todd 2016 The real deal: Pushing the parameters of devolution deals SPERI/CLES Available from: http://speri.dept.shef.ac.uk/wp-content/uploads/2016/07/ The-Real-Deal-SPERI-CLES.pdf Accessed March 2017 www.ebook3000.com 320  C Berry and A Giovannini Peck, J., and N Theodore 2007 Variegated capitalism Human Geography 31 (6): 731–772 Watson, M 2005 Foundations of international political economy Basingstoke: Palgrave Willett, J., and A Giovannini 2014 The uneven path of UK devolution: Topdown vs bottom-up regionalism in England—Cornwall and the North-East compared Political Studies 62 (2): 343–360 Wyn Jones, R., G Lodge, A Henderson, and D Wincott 2012 The dog that finally barked: England as an emerging political community London: IPPR Available from: http://www.ippr.org/files/images/media/files/publication/ 2012/02/dog-that-finally-barked_englishness_Jan2012_8542 pdf?noredirect=1 Accessed March 2017 Authors’ Biography Craig Berry is Deputy Director of the Sheffield Political Economy Research Institute at the University of Sheffield His previous roles include Policy Advisor at HM Treasury, Pensions Policy Officer at the Trades Union Congress, and Head of Policy and Senior Researcher at the International Longevity Centre-UK, and he has taught at the University of Warwick and University of Manchester He published Globalisation and Ideology in Britain in 2011 and Austerity Politics and UK Economic Policy in 2015 Arianna Giovannini is Senior Lecturer in Local Politics at the Department of Politics and Public Policy, De Montfort University (DMU), where she is also a member of the Local Governance Research Unit (LGRU) and the Centre for Urban Research on Austerity (CURA) Before joining DMU she was a researcher at the Sheffield Political Economy Research Institute (SPERI), University of Sheffield, where she is now an Honorary Research Fellow, and a research assistant for the White Rose Consortium for the North of England project at POLIS, University of Leeds Her research focuses on devolution, territorial and political identity, regionalism and democracy—with a particular emphasis on the ‘English Question’ and the North of England She has published widely on these themes in leading academic journals such as Political Studies, Policy & Politics and The Political Quarterly Index A Accountability, 74, 100, 168, 177, 184, 193, 209, 251, 313 Agglomeration, 12, 13, 26, 46–48, 71, 102, 107, 129, 133, 142–144, 148–153, 190, 203, 210, 246, 278, 298, 300, 312 Austerity, 6, 51, 68, 71, 72, 74, 145, 154, 157, 158, 190, 219, 242, 243, 249, 251–253, 256, 266, 290, 293, 317 B Banking, 24, 25, 31, 49, 66, 75, 316 Bank of England, 31, 65, 74, 315 Blair, Tony, 87 Brexit, 2, 3, 77, 87, 93, 97, 109, 110, 112, 133, 134, 160, 189, 190, 201, 206, 208, 211, 233, 242, 293, 299, 301, 316 Brown, Gordon, 24 Budget, 25, 71, 76, 78, 123, 126, 130, 155, 174, 175, 203, 271, 297 Business, 9, 27, 38, 50, 64, 78, 96, 99, 100, 103, 131, 145, 169, 171, 174, 186, 190, 202, 219, 227, 228, 246–249, 254, 262, 265, 274, 288, 289, 298, 316, 317 Business rates, 51, 103, 264, 265, 268, 269, 271, 273, 276–278, 280, 286, 287, 292–294, 296 Business Rates Retention Scheme (BRRS), 15, 262, 263, 265, 266, 269, 270, 273–281 C Cable, Vince, 9, 27, 28, 97, 98 Cameron, David, 25, 72, 77, 95, 123, 227 Capitalism, 63, 87, 220 Capitalist restructuring, 5, 10, 13, 92, 311 Chancellor of the Exchequer, 2, 24, 60, 62, 78, 86, 122, 149, 200, 264, 286 Cities and Local Government Devolution Bill (2016), 166 © The Editor(s) (if applicable) and The Author(s) 2018 C Berry and A Giovannini (eds.), Developing England’s North, Building a Sustainable Political Economy: SPERI Research & Policy, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-62560-7 www.ebook3000.com 321 322  Index Cities and Local Growth Agenda (CLOG), 13, 140 Citizenship regimes, 15, 244, 247, 256 City deals, 26, 51, 100, 101, 103, 146, 148, 150, 158, 168, 202, 228, 288 City-region, 170, 173, 174, 180, 181, 185, 200, 228, 229, 242, 244, 246, 248–253, 255, 256, 291 Civil society, 15, 209, 228, 243, 247–249, 252–254 Clegg, Nick, 25, 98 Coalition Government, 9, 25, 27, 70, 86, 97, 126, 145, 150, 167, 201, 202, 242, 263, 264, 293 Combines authorities, 52, 177, 179, 181, 186, 188, 243, 244, 251 Commercial property markets, 16, 263 Conservatism, 65, 96 Conservative government, 148, 157, 168, 180, 242, 288, 290, 299 Conservative Party, 70, 72, 97, 156, 160, 224, 242 Core cities, 2, 9, 10, 35, 48, 67, 146, 150, 168, 228, 229, 231, 232, 274, 288, 296 D De-development, 13, 87, 105–108, 110, 111, 318 Deindustrialisaton, 5, 8, 9, 13, 39, 44, 87, 90, 92, 99, 105, 106, 109, 111 Democracy, 7, 106, 178, 184, 193, 202, 209, 314 Department of Communities and Local Government(DCLG), 267 Deregulation, 24, 46, 61, 64, 66, 67, 96, 103, 152, 298 Developmental state, 12, 62–64, 75, 88 Devolution, 3, 7, 10, 12–15, 52, 67, 68, 86, 87, 99, 100, 112, 131, 146, 148, 154, 166–171, 173, 176, 178, 182, 188, 191–193, 211, 230, 232, 243, 248, 254, 256, 262, 293–295, 298, 299, 313–315 Devolution deals, 7, 14, 15, 68, 146, 154, 158, 166, 168–171, 173, 175, 176, 181, 182, 186, 187, 191–193, 200, 231, 246, 248, 255, 256 Devo Manc’, 14, 166, 171 E East Riding, 166, 181, 186–191 Economic decline, 12, 88, 221 Economic geography, 2, 10, 11, 46, 97, 150, 222 Economic growth, 7, 24, 27, 33, 35, 61, 67, 106, 126, 181, 226, 244, 255, 291, 297, 298 Economic imbalance, 12, 28, 29, 46, 50, 312 Economic policy, 11, 33, 50, 60, 250 Economic restructuring, 279 Economic theory, 45 Economy of scale, 46 Election, 69, 70, 72–74, 97, 102, 131, 148, 167, 168, 178–180, 193, 203, 207, 209, 218 Employment, 6, 8, 12, 28, 33–36, 38, 39, 87, 90, 93, 221, 224, 317 European Union (EU), 2, 77, 78, 87, 256, 293 F Finance, 15, 24–26, 38, 40, 49, 50, 65, 71, 89, 94, 96, 154, 225, 229, 262, 264–266 Index Financialisation, 263, 265, 266, 271, 276 Financial services, 10, 24, 40, 70, 75, 86, 92 Fiscal devolution, 231, 264 Functional economic geography, 67, 179, 205, 281 G Global economy, 9, 10, 24, 50, 108, 246 Globalisation, 9, 92, 274 Governance, 67, 91, 99, 102, 107, 108, 125, 143, 151, 170, 177, 179, 186, 207, 219, 286, 313 Government, 8, 26, 64, 68, 71, 86, 96, 102, 103, 127, 143, 150, 153, 156, 158, 159, 166, 169, 176, 181, 185, 191, 212, 229, 248, 255, 264, 269, 280, 289, 301 Greater London Authority (GLA), 67, 264, 291 Greater Manchester Combined Authority, 14, 168, 202, 253, 271 Growth, 9, 12, 16, 25, 35, 36, 42, 45, 49, 70, 96, 112, 131, 159, 174, 263, 275, 287, 298 H Hammond, Philip, 78 Health and Social Care, 100, 202, 209, 253 Heseltine, Michael, 51, 101, 203, 225 High Speed (HS2), 49, 72, 286 High Speed (HS3), 72, 77 Housing, 24, 152, 168, 171, 172, 182, 190, 218, 221, 223, 229, 249, 296 Hull, 32, 72, 73, 77, 166, 181, 186, 187, 189, 204, 231   323 I Identity, 5, 8, 11, 60, 61, 63, 67, 112, 231, 310 Inclusive growth, 15, 255 Independent Economic Review (IER), 203 Industrial policy, 13, 63, 86, 88, 94–96, 99, 101, 109, 111, 124, 316 Industrial revolution, 24, 32, 61, 62, 88 Industrial strategy, 9, 51, 78, 96, 97, 131–133, 176, 316 Inequality, 8, 15, 233, 255, 300, 311 Infrastructure, 62, 72, 76, 104, 146, 150, 154, 155, 218, 230, 274, 296 Innovation, 9, 36, 38, 46, 63, 64, 105, 122–124, 133 Institutions, 6, 12, 32, 49, 50, 61, 71, 74, 75, 127, 129, 146, 155, 167, 266, 312 International trade, 29 L Labour, 45, 46, 90, 99, 181, 208, 222, 297, 298 Labour Government, 24, 95, 167, 182, 225 Labour party, 70, 112, 167 Leeds, 26, 31, 32, 35, 39, 40, 72, 73, 166, 170, 188, 218, 279 Leeds City-Region, 180 Liberal Democrat, 86, 95, 97, 145, 220, 227 Liberalism, 65 Liverpool, 26, 31, 32, 35, 77, 124, 130, 149, 207–209, 218, 221, 222, 224, 231, 279 Liverpool City-Region, 68, 207 Local economic development, 12, 16, 99, 100, 110, 227, 317 www.ebook3000.com 324  Index Local economy, 101, 109, 274, 280, 291, 318 Local Enterprise Partnerships (LEPs), 99, 126, 130, 146, 168, 228, 242, 247 Local government, 51, 67, 68, 86, 94, 99–102, 167, 168, 175, 190, 228, 246, 263–265, 280, 291, 294, 315 Local growth, 10, 99, 101, 112, 154, 273 Local growth agenda, 26, 51 Local growth fund, 68, 155, 168, 175 Localism, 16, 26, 100, 144, 167, 185, 225, 243, 252, 262, 275, 318 Localism Act(2011), 168, 202, 228, 294 Local leaders, 129, 132, 134, 156, 159, 166, 178, 182–185, 189, 191, 192, 318 Local politics, 7, 13, 153, 174, 193 London, 2, 8, 10, 12, 15, 24–28, 30–32, 39, 40, 42, 44–46, 51, 61, 72, 76, 93, 144, 208, 229, 230, 289, 310 M Manchester, 15, 26, 31, 34, 40, 44, 48, 49, 67, 68, 73, 78, 91, 92, 109, 122, 130, 149, 152, 156, 158, 159, 180, 193, 200–203, 205, 207–209, 211, 212, 218, 226, 227, 254, 279 Manufacturing, 8, 9, 13, 28, 31, 36, 38, 40, 44, 61, 62, 64, 65, 86–90, 92–95, 106, 110, 112, 276 Market, 9, 45, 46, 61, 75, 94, 129, 133, 246, 266, 268, 276 Market failure, 45, 47, 100, 223, 248 May, Theresa, 3, 9, 25, 78, 86, 98, 176, 207, 208, 211, 301 Metro-mayor, 177, 184 N National economy, 25, 29, 30, 32, 35, 36, 38, 51, 218 Neoliberalism, 66, 266 New Castle, 26, 32, 34, 48, 127, 218, 231, 272, 278, 279, 291 New Economic Geography, 47, 102, 148–150, 246 New Labour, 69, 97, 218, 220, 225, 226, 231, 242, 245 New urban economics, 102, 278 North East, 4, 29, 39, 43, 45, 60, 70, 76, 89, 93, 94, 109, 152, 167, 211, 272, 278, 292 Northern Powerhouse, 3, 6, 7, 10, 12–15, 26, 29, 34, 36, 38, 39, 42–45, 48, 50, 60, 63, 66, 69–71, 73, 74, 112, 142–144, 157, 186, 204, 227, 243, 262, 272, 277, 281, 314 Northern Way’, 5, 145 North of England, 2, 4, 7, 11, 13, 14, 16, 61, 69–72, 78, 102, 158–160, 167–169, 186, 201, 218, 224–226, 242, 286, 290, 291, 294, 311 North–South divide, 6, 144, 169, 246, 312 North West, 4, 29, 32, 38, 45, 60, 70, 76, 89, 223, 289 North Yorkshire, 180, 181, 187, 188, 223 O Osborne, George, 2, 26, 60, 61, 76–78, 86, 101, 123, 130, 142, 149, 166, 168, 180, 200, 212, 218, 220, 264, 272, 286, 288, 292, 297 Index P Participation, 74, 142, 189 Path dependence, 33 Place-blind policy, 13 Planning, 14, 100, 220 Policy, 11, 12, 45, 51, 64, 75, 78, 95, 100, 112, 124, 131, 142, 144, 149, 152, 156, 158, 159, 175, 219, 280, 313 Political economy, 2, 5, 12, 33, 61, 65, 311, 314 Political geography, 181 Post-industrial economy, 93 Privatisation, 294 Productivity, 8, 28, 33, 36, 38, 44, 52, 94, 109, 111, 151, 204, 210, 212, 271, 298 Prosperity, 3, 25–27, 30, 45, 46, 50, 52, 91, 300 Public engagement, 178, 184, 192, 212 Public services, 78, 252, 262, 264, 295, 296, 317 R Real estate, 24, 228, 265, 273, 275, 276, 278, 279 Rebalancing, 8, 9, 29, 150, 297, 301, 316 Redistribution, 267, 276, 277, 279, 288, 291, 296, 317 Regeneration, 46, 101, 108, 145, 203, 222, 227, 250, 264, 274 Region, 26, 32, 38, 42, 76, 125, 183, 205, 226, 294 Regional Development Agencies (RDAs), 99, 125, 145, 167, 201, 228 Regional economy, 92 Regional Growth Fund, 26, 100, 148 Regional inequality, 8, 47 Regionalism, 144, 231, 245   325 Regional policy, 6, 13, 45, 94, 97, 99, 108, 125, 145, 158, 159 S Science and innovation policy, 13, 123, 124, 126 Sheffield, 10, 15, 32, 34, 73, 98, 109, 130, 131, 149, 166, 170, 174, 176, 180, 187, 205, 207–209, 212, 230, 243, 251, 279 Sheffield City-Region, 68, 168, 171, 207, 291 Sheffield City-Region Combined Authority, 171 Single market, 88, 94 Skills, 9, 100, 110, 131, 145, 150, 153–155, 171, 172, 174, 182, 190 Small and medium-sized enterprises (SMEs), 96, 299 Social inequality, 30 South East, 8, 25–28, 30, 32, 38, 45, 46, 49, 60, 62, 69, 70, 76, 90, 92, 93, 95, 144, 289, 310 Southern Powerhouse, 12, 60, 61, 67, 69, 73, 74, 76–78 Spatial agglomeration, 26, 46, 47 Spatial imaginary, 6, 25, 50, 244, 246, 249, 315 Spatial inequalities, 15, 142, 256 Spatial planning, 219, 226, 229, 230 Spatial rebalance, 25 Subnational policy, 14, 143, 144, 157, 159 Sunderland, 211, 227, 271–273, 279 Sustainable growth, 96, 105, 106 T Tax, 16, 68, 88, 95, 96, 262, 264, 272, 273, 286, 289, 295, 297, 317 www.ebook3000.com 326  Index Tax system, 16, 75, 286, 291, 294, 301, 317 Tees Valley, 207, 209 Territorial politics, Thatcher, Margaret, 66, 87, 88, 101 Transport, 14, 72, 76, 77, 100, 107, 110, 123, 134, 146, 149, 153, 154, 157, 168, 171, 174, 182, 190, 205, 206, 218, 226 Transport for the North (TfN), 203, 205 Treasury, 12, 46, 51, 62, 65, 68, 69, 74, 75, 101, 102, 173, 230, 279, 288, 315 U Uneven development, 7, 15, 16, 87, 104, 108, 243, 255, 262, 273, 290, 293, 294, 300, 301 Uneven governance, 14, 167, 313 Universities, 13, 26, 51, 72, 96, 122–125, 127, 129, 130, 132, 134 Urban finance, 263–266, 273 Urban growth, 7, 232, 251, 265, 268 V Victorian, 27, 29, 32, 221 W Welfare, 16, 27, 229, 232, 262–264, 272, 275, 295, 298 West Yorkshire Combined Authority, 171 Whitehall, 3, 7, 60, 129, 143, 152, 155, 174, 181, 190, 224, 227, 230, 293 Y Yorkshire and Humberside, 4, 89, 93, 223 Z Zipf’s Law, 48 ... Brexit, albeit against the advice of the region’s leaders—just as Northern elites are often complicit in the maintenance of national political economic practices, even though (as many chapters of. .. representation of reality (portrayed and reproduced in a number of political, social and cultural narratives as well as in the popular imagination), which has persisted in shaping the spatial imaginary... offer a note of caution about a predominantly spatial understanding of the North The book’s central disciplinary perspective is that of political economy, and its analysis generally focuses therefore