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PREHISTORIC & PROTOHISTORIC CYPRUS phần 4
excavations that produced detailed if occasionally disputed stratigraphic sequences (Ionas 1984; Kling 1987: 104–5, 1989: 75–9). The ability to draw upon such an extensive body of excavated material, as well as new evidence from regional survey projects, allows us to paint a comprehensive material picture of cultural and spatial developments during the ProBA, and to draw some meaningful social conclusions. During the ProBA 1 period, several prominent new settlements were established on or very near the coast. These include Morphou Toumba tou Skourou (northwest), Episkopi (Kourion) Bamboula and Kouklia Palaepaphos (south), and Enkomi Ayios Iakovos and Hala Sultan Tekke Vyzakia (east and southeast) (Keswani 1996; Knapp 1997b: 46–8). A quantitative spatial analysis indicates that proximity to both copper ore sources and the sea was a crucial factor in the location of these sites (Portugali and Knapp 1985: 50–61). Such an orientation towards the sea and overseas contacts suggests that all these coastal settlements functioned at least in part to answer foreign demand for Cypriot copper and other goods, and to bring prestigious ‘oriental’ and Aegean goods into Cyprus (Merrillees 1965: 146–7; Knapp 1998; Crewe 2004: 271–8). These sites, together with the rich and diverse types of material found in them, help to demonstrate the motivation of Cypriot elites in establishing politico-economic and ideological alliances with more powerful polities and factions in the Aegean and eastern Mediterranean (Keswani 1989b; Manning et al. 2002; cf. Manning and Hulin 2005). The only district of ProBA Cyprus that seems to have remained under- populated at this time was the mountainous zone of the Troodos, although it too may have been exploited for its timber and other resources, as in later periods (Given 2002). Along the northern coast, east of Kyrenia, there is some limited evidence—from Kazaphani (Nicolaou and Nicolaou 1989), Phlamoudhi (al-Radi 1983; Smith n.d. and http://www.mcah.columbia.edu/ phlamoudhi/), Akanthou, and Dhavlos—that commercial traYc from abroad also touched these shores. In the northwest, Morphou Toumba tou Skourou (Vermeule and Wolsky 1991), Myrtou Pigadhes (Du Plat Taylor 1957) and the settlement associated with the cemetery at Ayia Irini (Pecorella 1973, 1977) indicate that population in and around the Kormakiti peninsula grew sign- iWcantly. Along the northern and eastern rim of the Troodos, evidence old and new reveals the workings of the productive sector of society, in particular at smaller agricultural settlements or mining sites (e.g. Ambelikou Aletri, Apliki Karamallos, Politiko Phorades, Aredhiou Vouppes, Analiondas Paleoklisha— Knapp 2003, with further references). In the southwest, new sites arose along the Kouris River Valley (e.g. Episkopi Phaneromeni ‘A’, Alassa Pano Mandilares and Palaeotaverna) and within the Dhiarizos River Valley (Kouklia Palaepaphos, several nearby cemeteries) (Maier and Karageorghis 1984; Swiny 1986b; 136 ProBA Cyprus Hadjisavvas 1989, 1994; Hadjisavvas and Hadjisavva 1997; Maier 1987). New town centres in the south arose around Maroni Vournes/Tsaroukkas (Cadogan 1989; 1992; Manning and De Mita 1997; Manning et al. 2002) and Kalavasos Ayios Dhimitrios (South 1997, 2000), whilst a pottery production village was established in the nearby foothills at Sanidha Moutti tou Ayiou Serkhou (Todd 2000; Todd and Pilides 2001). In the east and southeast, some of the best known and most prosperous towns of the ProBA period—Enkomi, Kition, and Hala Sultan Tekke—were established (SchaeVer 1971a, 1984; Dikaios 1969–71; Karageorghis and Demas 1985; A ˚ stro ¨ m 1983, 1998a; A ˚ stro ¨ m et al. 1989, 2001). The overall constellation of sites, and the array of material culture—exotic and local—found within them, suggest that a maritime location, the intracacies of political alliances, and an emerging overseas market orientation had become at least as important as resource orientation in ProBA social development and change. Keswani (1996; 2004: 154–6) suggests that patterns of town life and the internal organization of the earliest coastal centres (Enkomi and Toumba tou Skourou), as well as those of the larger town centres at Kition and Hala Sultan Tekke, may have diVered from those of southern and southwestern centres such as Maroni, Ayios Dhimitrios, and Alassa Paleotaverna.TheWrst four sites, in her view, may have been settled by diVerent groups from outlying communities. They exhibit some degree of ‘social distance’ between residential groups, e.g. in Toumba tou Skourou ’s multiple mound conWguration (Vermeule and Wolsky 1990: 14–15) or in Enkomi’s open-space conWguration, seen in its earliest domestic and industrial complexes (Courtois 1986: 5). As more people settled in these towns, real diVerences in access to productive resources may have fostered diVering hierarchical social relations. In contrast, because the nucleated town populations of sites in the south and southwest may have been local in origin, their administrative structures appear to be more centralized in makeup, perhaps the result of easier access to and control over copper ore sources and metals production. Smaller centres founded much later (13th century bc)may have been outposts of these larger urban centres: e.g. Maa Palaekastro as a possible outpost of Kouklia or Pyla Kokkinokremmos as an outpost of Kition (see also Caraher et al. 2005: 262). Such a suggestion circumvents some of the problems in interpreting these sites as defensive structures linked to an Aegean ‘colonization’ of Cyprus (Karageorghis 1998a: 127–30). In this same way, how- ever, we might also think of Kourion, the smallest of the town centres, as an administrative outpost of Alassa Palaeotaverna (further discussion below). Building on earlier work by Catling (1962) and Keswani (1993), and based on an extensive corpus of spatial and archaeological data from across the island, I presented a detailed argument for a ProBA settlement hierarchy (Knapp 1997b). Here I summarize that account and update the information ProBA Cyprus 137 where relevant. In what follows, it must be remembered that the archaeo- logical evidence available remains much more abundant for the centuries between 1450–1200 bc than it is for those between 1650–1450 bc. Conse- quently, the analysis of Late Bronze Age settlement patterns and politico- economic systems largely pertains to and is better substantiated for the 13th century bc. The diVerences between these two periods will be treated at length below. The settlement evidence currently available (Knapp 1997b: 53–61, Wg. 5, table 2) indicates a four-tiered settlement hierarchy, which is distinguished by the proposed functions of diVerent sites and which would seem to reXect hierarchical social or political structures (see further below): (1) coastal centres (commercial, ceremonial, administration, production); (2) inland towns (administrative, production, transport); (3) smaller inland sites (ceremonial, production, transport, some storage); (4) agricultural support villages (production, storage, transport); mining sites and pottery-producing villages (production). Conceptualized in a slightly diVerent manner, this site hierarchy can also be viewed as a model of the agricultural, metallurgical, and social processes that characterized the ProBA landscape (Figure 23). ClassiWed according to size (standing remains and surface scatter) (Figure 24), location, and the presence or absence of certain key elements (e.g. ashlar masonry, prestige goods or imports, metallurgical products, impressed pithoi, Cypro–Minoan inscriptions, seals or weights), most primary coastal centres were approximately 12 hectares or greater in extent and located on or very near the coast. Whilst Merrillees (1992a: 316–19, 328, Appendix 1) coordin- ated information on the approximate size of ProBA settlements, he dis- counted size as a factor that might help to explain political organization on ProBA Cyprus. If the politico-economic structure and cultural status of each autonomous polity or faction on ProBA Cyprus were largely independent of site size, then site location may have assumed strategic and commercial importance, as Merrillees (1992a: 318) maintained. These primary centres may have exercised some economic if not political hegemony over at least a limited number of sites in their immediate hinterlands, an alignment Wrst suggested by Stanley Price (1979: 80). Beyond that, the level of centralized production in these coastal towns would have served an elite strategy to maintain the cooperation and to control the output of the rural sector (agricultural, mining, and pottery-producing villages). In turn, this strategy would have increased the rural sector’s dependence on specialized goods and services available only in the town centres (Aravantinos 1991: 62). The 138 ProBA Cyprus variety and quantity of local and imported goods found in these coastal or near-coastal centres, combined with dramatic diVerences in site size, serve to distinguish them markedly from all other sectors in the site hierarchy. The secondary (primarily administrative) towns and tertiary (primarily ceremonial) sites were typically situated at strategic communication nodes where the production or Xow of copper, agricultural products and exchanged goods could be controlled. We cannot determine unequivocally whether these sites were administered by the primary centres, or by local elites in alliance with their coastal counterparts. However, one way that elites establish control over a given region is to situate Wxed points of the economic infrastructure TOWN Manufacture Storage Elites MINERS’ SETTLEMENT? Exchange/Export Food Control Control Labour Labour Metals SEA SEDIMENTARY/ALLUVIAL Arable land ENVIRONMENT Food FARM PILLOW LAVA Ore BASAL GROUP/DIABASE Forest MINE SMELTING ORE BENEFICIATION Brushwood Charcoal RURAL SANCTUARY Labour Control Flux Water Site Hierarchy Secondary Tertiary Periphery Primary Figure 23: Model representing agricultural, metallurgical, and social processes within the Protohistoric Bronze Age landscape, with site hierarchy indicated. ProBA Cyprus 139 where transport and communication costs may be minimized (Paynter 1983: 265). These secondary and tertiary centres thus would have served at least in part as transshipment points where local production and trade articulated with broader regional systems. The location of sites such as Sinda Siri Dash, Ayios Sozomenos Ambelia, or Athienou Bambourlari tis Koukkouninnas on routes between the mining areas and the coastal centres suggests that elite ideology, perhaps expressed through local media, would have served to articulate relationships between the inland production zone and the coastal zone, the latter oriented around distribution and consumption. The location of ‘sanctuaries’ in these rural landscapes may have served to demarcate regional territorial claims or a ritually deWned social space (Alcock 1993: 202). Mining sites, pottery-producing villages, and agricultural support villages— the Wnal tier in the site hierarchy—tend to be concentrated in or near the igneous zone of the Troodos foothills, or in the Mesaoria close to the igneous/ sedimentary interface. Agricultural villages like Analiondas Paleoklichia and Aredhiou Vouppes (Webb and Frankel 1994; Knapp 2003: 572–3) typically are littered with pithos (storage jar) sherds and groundstone implements. Individual farmsteads as deWned by Swiny (1981), thus far quite thin on the ProBA Settlement Sizes (approximate) 0 1020304050607080 Kition Palaepaphos Maroni Vournes/Tsaroukkas Hala Sultan Tekke Enkomi Toumba tou Skourou Alassa Ayios Dhimitrios Kourion Bamoula Sinda Maa Palaeokastro Ayios Sozomenos Pyla Kokkinokremnos Myrtou Pigadhes Athienou Ayios Iakovos Dhima Apliki Karamallos Sanidha Aredhiou Vouppes Phaneromeni 'A' Ambelikou Aletri Analiondas Palioklichia Politiko Phorades Sites Site size (hectares) Settlement Hierarchy SECOND TIER THIRD TIER FOURTH TIER FIRST TIER Figure 24: Approximate settlement/site sizes of Protohistoric Bronze Age. 140 ProBA Cyprus ground, may also be included in this category. Mining villages like Apliki Karamallos and smelting sites like Politiko Phorades (Figure 25) were always situated in close proximity to the rich copper ore deposits of the Lower Pillow Lavas. They are characterized by a range of industrial equipment (tuye ` res, crucible and furnace fragments, stone hammers, etc.) as well as the slag heaps associated with them (Du Plat Taylor 1952; Muhly 1989; Knapp 2003). The pottery-producing site of Sanidha Moutti tou Ayiou Serkhou lies in the upper Vasilikos Valley close to Kellaki, an area speciWcally mentioned by Courtois (1970: 83) as a likely source of the clays used in White Slip wares. Evidence for pottery production at Sanidha is indisputable and includes slipped and painted wasters, highly-burnt clay ‘bricks’ from kilns or ovens, unslipped sherds resem- bling White Slip shapes and fabrics, and other, related debris (Todd and Pilides 1993, 2001; Todd 2000). Excepting somc agricultural sites like Phlamoudhi Sapilou (Catling 1976), characterized by its typical Late Cypriot wares, grinders, and quantities of pithos sherds, and located near the north coast, or Episkopi Phaneromeni ‘A’, situated on the southern coastal plain (Swiny 1986b), most sites involved in production activities are situated in the inland periphery, in or near the mineral zones of the Troodos. They are thus diVerentiated both Figure 25: The ProBA smelting site of Politiko Phorades—excavations, with Kokkinor- otsos ore source in background. ProBA Cyprus 141 spatially and materially from the primary coastal centres as well as the second- ary administrative centres. The hierarchical settlement system proposed for ProBA Cyprus does not provide a perfect Wt (noted emphatically by South 2002: 62–7). Some primary centres like Kalavasos Ayios Dhimitrios and Alassa Pano Mandilares/Paleota- verna, for example, not only served multiple functions overlapping with those of secondary and tertiary centres, but also had inland locations that were closer to the mines than the coastal towns. Such sites must have been crucially important in the politico-economic system of ProBA Cyprus: they would have exercised some level of control over the mining, production, and transport of copper, were involved in agricultural production (olive oil), and functioned commercially as administrative and transshipment points. These factors, coupled with detailed petrographic analyses, have led Goren et al. (2003: 248–52) to identify the 14th–13th century bc political centre of Alashiya with either Ayios Dhimitrios or Alassa (discussed in detail below, Chapter 6). If these sites were more strictly involved in administrative, metallurgical and ceremonial matters, then their commercial functions may have been served by Maroni Tsaroukkas or a still-unidentiWed port at the mouth of the Vasilikos Valley (for Kalavasos), and by Episkopi Bamboula (for Alassa). Smith (1994: 316), however, notes that the functions and contexts of seal- impressed pithoi from Bamboula and Alassa seem to be quite diVerent; those at Alassa indicate centralized control over storage facilities whilst those at Bamboula suggest more individualized control. Episkopi Bamboula is by far the smallest town centre, and its near coastal location may have been the most decisive factor in its function. The coastal or near-coastal sites of Maa Palaeokastro and Pyla Kokkinok- remmos, if they actually served defensive functions (Karageorghis 1998a: 127–30), likewise do not sit well in the proposed settlement hierarchy. Kes- wani (1996: 234; 2004: 155) suggests that Maa and Pyla may have served as outposts (secondary tier of settlement) of Kouklia and Kition. Smith (1994: 274) suggested that Maa might have been a centralized facility for both local and regional storage, whilst Steel (2004: 188–90) is inclined to think that both Pyla and Maa were local ‘strongholds’. Pyla’s function would thus have been to secure the movement of traded goods from coastal ports to inland settle- ments. Long ago, Stanley Price (1979: 80–1) suggested that sites like Pyla, in the Larnaca hinterland, could have served as support settlements for a nearby port. Indeed, recent geomorphological investigations in the lowland around Pyla revealed ‘the deWnitive characteristics of a prehistoric to historic harbour’ and a palaeocoastline approximately 150m inland from the present-day beach (Caraher et al. 2005: 246–8). 142 ProBA Cyprus Adopting another perspective on site patterning during the ProBA, Merrillees (1973: 47–8) pointed out that the general spatial conWguration of settlements, cemeteries, and sanctuaries had changed by this time. Wherever solid evidence is available for ceremonial structures (‘sanctuaries’) in non-urban contexts, these sites are characterized by their relative isolation in the landscape and by their placement on some topographic prominence (Wright 1992b). Moreover, the presence of some imported goods not just at inland centres (second tier in the hierarchy), as might be expected, but also at sanctuary sites and remote agricul- tural villages (third and fourth tiers), for example at Athienou Bamboulari tis Koukounninas (Mycenaean pottery—Dothan 1993: 132–3) and at Mathiati (Mycenaean pottery, Wnished metal products—Hadjicosti 1991), suggests that wider regional networks of exchange touched these sites. Alternatively, imports may have reached those sites more indirectly (Merrillees 1965: 146–7; Webb and Frankel 1994: 17; Webb 2002b: 130). Examining settlement patterns in terms of storage facilities provides further insight. There is evidence of supra-household, if not supra-site storage throughout the settlement hierarchy, except at the four coastal emporia of Morphou Toumba tou Skourou, Enkomi, Kition, and Hala Sultan Tekke. Kes- wani (1993: 78) suggests that the nature of the archaeological record may explain some of these situations, for example the absence at Enkomi of storage facilities in any of the elite, administrative, or ceremonial buildings within this extensively excavated site. The prominence of storage facilities in agricultural support villages and inland sites, as well as in the primary centres of Kalavasos Ayios Dhimitrios, Maroni Vournes and Alassa Paleotaverna (Webb 2002b: 130–1), portrays an uneven distribution of these features within the settlement hierarchy. Such a conWguration may hint at the existence of an economic system in which agricultural products were grown and stored in the hinterland, then redistributed on demand to specialized producers and governing elites. Keswani (1993) explained the settlement system with reference to institu- tional structures, subsistence needs and staple/wealth Wnance systems (also Webb 2002b: 128–31). Surely, however, we must also to take into account the complex and ever-changing factors of production and consumption, as well as relations of exchange—all subject to the motivations of individual or collective human action—that linked sites of diVerent size, function, and location on ProBA Cyprus. Any attempt to establish political alliances or to impose eco- nomic hegemony would have involved not only the ability to control access to resources in demand but also the capacity to manipulate social relations. Factors of transport as well as issues related to internal vs. external communi- cations are still poorly understood, and these too will have impacted on any perceived or real hierarchy, whether in settlements or in society more generally. Such factors provide important clues for understanding better the political and ProBA Cyprus 143 ideational shift that resulted in Cyprus’s transformation from an insular polity to an international player, and for dileneating how the economy expanded from a village-based, staple Wnance system to a more competitive and comprehensive, urban-rural wealth Wnance system. The existence of ‘all these imponderables’ (Merrillees 1992a: 324) does not preclude the possibility of assessing political alliances or economic structures, or of proposing socio-historical reconstruc- tions, a task to which I now turn. SOCIO-POLITICAL ORGANIZATION Currently there exist several diVering perceptions of the political economy and the related social structures of ProBA Cyprus. The transformations that took place within Late Cypriot society have been attributed variously to processes of intensiWed production and foreign exchange, urbanization, heterarchical or peer polities, secondary state formation and/or the archaic state model. Any attempt to theorize or interpret the long-term socio-political organization of ProBA Cyprus necessarily is constrained by a body of archaeological evidence that derives chieXy from settlements and mortuary evidence dated to the period between about 1400–1200 bc, and especially to the LC IIC phase, between 1300–1200 bc. Because the material record of the 13th century bc is not only more abundant but manifestly richer and more diverse than that of the previous centuries, the settlement hierarchy discussed above, for example, in large part reXects this later stage. Moreover, in attempting to discuss the socio- political structure(s) of the ProBA, evidence from the 13th century bc should not be extrapolated directly back to the ProBA 1 period (1650–1400 bc). We need to be cautious in this regard because the dramatic ‘urban’ expansion of the 13th century bc could suggest another level of political change, what Peltenburg (1996: 28) viewed as a ‘devolution of central authority, perhaps related to the increasing pre-eminence of Aegean traits in Cyprus’. As will become apparent, however, Peltenburg’s view is not one to which I subscribe. Citing evidence ranging from settlement patterns, architecture and icon- ography to mortuary practices and storage jar capacity, Keswani (1993, 1996) questions the existence of any single centralized authority on Cyprus at any stage of the ProBA. Enkomi, she notes, may have risen to prominence early but was later dwarfed by polities like Kition or Hala Sultan Tekke (Keswani 1996: 234). She maintains that society was heterarchical in organization, with several regional polities operating in tandem rather than separately. Each of these polities would have been responsible for the movement of goods and services between sites or regions. Viewed in terms of the organization of 144 ProBA Cyprus copper production and the distribution of the town-centred metallurgical reWning sites, Stech (1982: 103, 1985: 112–13) maintained, similarly, that there was no centralized authority directing the copper industry of the ProBA, and that diVerent towns exercised either secular or ‘religious’ control over copper production and exchange. Smith (1994: 163–4, 314–15) has also concluded, based on her detailed study and analysis of seals, that ProBA 2–3 Cyprus comprised a series of ‘complex chiefdoms’ lacking administrative records and controls. On a more general level, South (2002: 65–8) also believes that the Late Cypriot polities were independently organized, of approximately equal size and complexity. The competing factions envisioned elsewhere by Keswani (2004: 154–7) would have formed initially during the ProBA 1 period in order to gain access to resources in demand or to control routes of transport and trade critical to their own polities. Such independent polities, Keswani argues, would have been integrated through corporate alliances, sanctions, and tributary or gift relations. Alternatively they may have been maintained by a quasi-independ- ent central authority and linked by market-oriented exchange. In terms of the production and transport of copper, Keswani (1993: 76) suggests that the mechanisms involved may have centred on politically organized exchange systems in which copper was mobilized as tribute by communities using either coercive or ideological sanctions. And, as noted above, Keswani (1996: 236–7; 2004: 154–5) distinguishes between those (mainly coastal) ProBA town centres founded in newly occupied territories (e.g. Enkomi, Toumba tou Skourou, Hala Sultan Tekke, and perhaps Kition) and those (mainly inland) centres established in areas that had long sequences of prior occupation (e.g. Maroni, Ayios Dhimitrios, and Alassa). The former towns would have emerged as heterogeneous kin groups from other communities, near and far, and converged at a locale advantageous for exploiting foreign trade: in these centres Keswani envisions the presence of diverse and perhaps competing elite groups. The latter towns, in contrast, are seen to reXect the replacement of PreBA corporate identities by new urban identities and within-group competition, whose populations were drawn from a highly localized pool: in these centres Keswani sees a more centralized, singular elite that enjoyed high social prestige and had no political or economic peers. In contrast, Merrillees (1992a) maintains that economic, not political elites dominated the government and administration of ProBA Cyprus, a view shared by Hadjisavvas (2002) albeit in a much more generalized form. Like Keswani, Merrillees denies any possibility of a unitary state, and suggests instead that various sectors of the island were dominated by autonomous settlements diVerentiated by size and wealth, both factors dictated by the level of a settlement’s commercial activities. The diVerentiation Merrillees makes ProBA Cyprus 145 [...]... language of the day), Goren et al (2003; 20 04: 48 –75) maintain that either Alassa Paleotaverna or Kalavasos Ayios Dhimitrios must have become the political and administrative centre of Alashiya (Cyprus) during the 14th–13th centuries bc Moreover, recently published cuneiform documents from Ugarit pertaining to Alashiya (Bordreuil and Malbran-Labat 1995: 44 5; Malbran-Labat 1999) show that high-level,... (Smith 19 94: 173–81; Webb 2002b: 127 and n 42 ) The well-preserved Knossos sealing is impressed with a ‘mistress of animals’ scene as well a sign in the Cypro-Minoan script (Evans 1935: 598); it belongs to the Derivative style of Cypriot seals (Porada 1 948 : 1 84 8; Smith 170 ProBA Cyprus Figure 29a: Analiondas Paleoklichia seal impression depicting an Aegean-style chariot hunt Figure 29b: Protohistoric. .. 1972: 7– 24; Masson 1976: 153–7; Keswani 20 04: 80, 121 4) Such bronzes may have been produced locally but they were clearly inspired by Near Eastern 160 ProBA Cyprus prototypes (Philip 1991: 78–83) Equid burials from Politiko Chomazoudhia Tomb 3 (Buchholz 1973), Kalopsidha Tomb 9 and Lapithos Tomb 322B may also reXect the impact of Levantine and Near Eastern ideas and ideologies (Keswani 20 04: 80) Syrian... as their populations Figure 28: Protohistoric Bronze Age 3 relief-carved ivory gaming box from Enkomi, British Tomb 58 1 64 ProBA Cyprus grew Cuneiform letters sent from Alashiya to the Egyptian pharaoh and to the king of Ugarit (see Chapter 6) indicate that the ruler of Cyprus regulated and exercised Wrm control over the production and trade in copper (Knapp 1996a: 21 4) Alongside these specialized... continued to play a key role in ProBA mortuary rituals (Steel 2004a: 1 74) Moreover, most ‘sanctuary’ sites and ceremonial areas have notable faunal components, Enkomi and Kition in particular but Myrtou Pigadhes above all (Webb 1999: 44 –53) At the last site, in and around the well-known ‘horns of consecration’, were found the antlers of at least 41 fallow deer, almost certainly the remnants of feasting or... Kition, Episkopi Bamboula, and Alassa Paleotaverna (Webb 1992: 1 14 15 and n 7; 2002b: 127–8 and n 43 ) They have also been found at Athienou Bamboulari tis Koukounninas, Maa Palaeokastro, Analiondas Paleoklichia (Smith 19 94: 238–313), and most recently in the renewed excavations at Episkopi Bamboula (Steel 2003 4: 99 and Wg 9) 168 ProBA Cyprus Most seal impressions derive from Alassa Paleotaverna or... have been found at Maroni or Ayios Dhimitrios (Smith 19 94: 2 34 89; Webb and Frankel 19 94: 12– 14, 17–19) This system of sealing use was more or less contemporary with the emergence of large-scale storage facilities (discussed above), which itself necessitated some sort of centralized or regional organization Webb (2002b: 131; also Webb and Frankel 19 94: 18) suggests that the sealings might have been linked... behind which is a bull and another, standing Wgure holding a spear (Hadjisavvas 19 94: 111–12, pl XIX.1; 2001a: 64 5, Wgs 4 6; 2001b: 2 14 17, 226–8, Wgs 6–8) Six further pithos sherds impressed with chariot scenes have been found in three separate structures at Maa Palaeokastro (Karageorghis and Demas 1988: 115–17; Smith 19 94: 268, 273–5) All these examples exhibit aspects of Aegean iconography but also... 1992a: 117, nn 19–21; Knapp 1986b: 37 42 ; Smith 2002a: 10–16) Smith’s (19 94) overall analysis of seal use, sealings and Cypro-Minoan inscriptions shows a great deal of variation between sites, and oVers some support for the notion of decentralized, regional polities during the ProBA 2 period 1 54 ProBA Cyprus Webb has argued persuasively and repeatedly (1999: 243 –7, 262–81; 2002b; 2005) for elite control... showing a horse-drawn chariot in bull hunt ProBA Cyprus 171 19 94: 173 and nn 145 –7) Found in the Archives Deposit of the Knossos palace, it seems likely that this sealing was used on an object (as were all other sealings in the deposit—Weingarten 1988: 21) imported from Cyprus, and thus may reXect some sort of administered exchange between Crete and Cyprus Although other Cypriot seals have been found . THIRD TIER FOURTH TIER FIRST TIER Figure 24: Approximate settlement/site sizes of Protohistoric Bronze Age. 140 ProBA Cyprus ground, may also be included in. (1996: 2 34; 20 04: 155) suggests that Maa and Pyla may have served as outposts (secondary tier of settlement) of Kouklia and Kition. Smith (19 94: 2 74) suggested