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TheEvolvingSpatialFormofCities
inaGlobalisingWorldEconomy
JohannesburgandSãoPaulo
MartinJMurray
HSRC
Publishers
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DemocracyandGovernanceResearchProgramme,OccasionalPaper5
SeriesEditor:AdamHabib,ExecutiveDirector:DemocracyandGovernanceResearchProgramme,HumanSciences
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Preface
The Democracy and Governance Research Programme of the Human Sciences
Research Council publishes an Occasional Paper series which is designed to offer
timelycontributionstodebates,disseminateresearchfindingsandotherwiseengage
withthebroaderresearchcommunity.Authorsinvitecommentsandresponsesfrom
readers.
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AbouttheAuthor
MartinJMurrayisProfessorofSociologyattheStateUniversityofNewYorkin
Binghamton. He is the author of numerous books, including The development of
capitalismincolonialIndochina(BerkeleyandLosAngeles:UniversityofCalifornia
Press 1980), South Africa: time of agony, time of destiny (London and New York:
Verso1987),andRevolutiondeferred:thepainfulbirthofpost-apartheidSouthAfrica
(LondonandNewYork:Verso1995).Heiscurrentlyinterestedinquestionsofurban
space, including modernist (and post-modernist) city building, the contradictory
impulsesofrealestatecapitalism,theexclusionaryeffectsofbunkerarchitecture,and
placemakingasboundarymarking.
IV
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TheEvolvingSpatialFormofCities
inaGlobalisingWorldEconomy
JohannesburgandSãoPaulo
Introduction
The ‘global cities’ paradigm has drawn our attention to the pivotal role of large
metropolisesaskeycommandandcontrolcentreswithinthecapitalistworldeconomy.
Acentralaxiomofthisinnovativetheoreticalframeworkistheclaimthatthespatial
dispersalofgiant‘multi-national’corporationsoverconsiderabledistancesrequiresa
parallelterritorialconcentrationof‘commandandcontrol’functionsattheapexof
theglobalurbanhierarchy.Yetbyprivilegingthefunctionalspecialisationsoflarge
metropolitanregionswithintheworldeconomy,the‘globalcities’approachrestricts
thekindsofquestionsthatcanbelegitimatelyaddressedwithinitsconceptualframe
ofreference.Inparticular,bynarrowingthescopeofresearchtothefunctionalroles
ofcitieswithintheworldeconomy,the‘globalcities’paradigmtendstodownplay
theevolvingspatialformof citiesthataspireto‘world-class’ status.Incontrast,a
growing number of scholars have focused instead on the changing morphological
characteristicsofurbanlandscapes,and,inparticular,ontheuse,management,and
regulationofurbanspace.Byemphasisingsuchspatialfeaturesasunfetteredurban
sprawl,theurbanisationoftheperiphery,theproliferationof‘edgecities’,andthe
emergenceofanew‘fortificationaesthetic’thathasaccompaniedtheconstruction
ofsuchpost-publicplacesasfestivalmarketplaces,citadelofficecomplexes,enclosed
shoppingmalls,andgatedresidentialcommunities,thesetheoristsofurbanlifehave
drawnattentiontotheevolvingpatternsofspatialrestructuringassociationwitha
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distinctivekindofpolynucleatedandfragmentedcity-form,onewhichsomescholars
havecalled‘postmodernurbanism’.
Attheriskofoversimplification,itispossibletoidentityfivefeaturesassociated
with‘post-modernurbanism’.Whilethesedonotexhaustthepossiblecharacteristics
of this particular kind of urbanity, they do constitute its central elements.
Concentrating on the extent to which these characteristic features of postmodern
urbanismcanbefoundintwoaspirant‘world-class’cities–JohannesburgandSão
Paulo–enablesustohighlighttheglobaldispersalofanewkindofurbanformthat
hasdevelopedaroundtheworld.Oneofthedeficienciesinexistingurbanscholarship
isthegreatgapbetweenthegrand,totalisingtheorieslikethe‘globalcities’paradigm
orthe‘post-modernurbanism’ideasassociatedwiththeso-calledLosAngeles(LA)
Schoolandempiricalstudiesofcitiesthatare,sotospeak,‘offthemap’.Looking
at these ‘ordinary cities’ that fall outside the glare of the core zones of the world
economyprovidesuswithanunusualopportunitytoinvestigateinsomedetailhow
theglobalisingtendenciesof city-buildingtrickledowntoaspiring to‘world-class’
statusbutthosewhicharelocatedwellbelowthetopofthe‘globalcities’hierarchy.
ThepioneeringworkofurbantheoristssuchasJohnFriedmannandGoetzWolff,
Saskia Sassen, Manuel Castells, Peter Taylor, Anthony King, and Neil Bremner,
amongmanyothers,hasdrawnattentiontothepivotalroleofthecurrentwaveof
globalisation in fostering intensified competition amongst and between cities that
aspireto‘world-class’status.
1
Inthemain,muchofthisscholarlywritingabouturban
rivalrieshascrystallisedaroundaresearchagendathathascometobeknownasthe
‘global cities’ paradigm. Scholars operating within this framework have sought to
reassesstheimportanceoflarge metropolisesaskeycommandand controlcentres
withintheinterlockingglobalisingdynamicsoffinancialmarkets,high-levelproducer
services industries, corporate headquarters and other associated business-services
industries (telecommunications, business conferences, media, design and cultural
industries,transport,andpropertydevelopments).Acentraltenetofthisinnovative
theoretical framework is the contention that the spatial dispersal of transnational
corporations(TNCs)overincreasinglyglobaldistancesrequiresaparallelterritorial
concentration of ‘command’ functions at the apex of the global urban hierarchy
(Amin&Graham1997).
Inshort,theglobalintegrationofhigh-levelheadquarterfunctionshas created‘a
newstrategicroleformajorcities’.Beyondtheirconventionalhistoricalroleascentral
sitesformanagingworldwidetradeandinternationalbankingandfinance,emergent
‘globalcities’nowfunctionas‘highlyconcentratedcommand[andcontrol]pointsin
theorganisationoftheworldeconomy’andaskeylocationsfortransnationalcorporate
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head offices.
2
While globalisation has affected all kinds of geographical localities
in a variety of ways, it assumes particular significance in those key urban centres
thatscholars havelabelled‘global’ or‘worldcities’.Inshort,globalisationprecedes
and largely determines urban spatial and sociocultural restructuring, inexorably
transformingemergentglobalcitiesbydisconnectingthemfromtheirlocalties.
3
In its original formulation, the ‘global cities’ thesis laid particular stress on the
historically specific functions of London, New York and Tokyo at the apex of
the world-scale urban hierarchy. At the outset, discussion focused on clarifying
terminological disputes (‘world’ versus ‘global’ cities), refining initial definitions,
and postulating about which cities might be included under the rubric of ‘global
cities’andwhatcriteriamightbeusedtodeterminetheirrankorder.Overtime,the
‘globalcities’debatehasmovedawayfromitsrelativelynarrowfocusonafewleading
urbancentrestoamuchmorenuanced,sophisticatedandbroadertheorisationofthe
changingfunctionsofcitiesinaglobalisingworldeconomyincreasinglydominated
byinformationalisedeconomicactivities(Castells1996;Lo&Yeung1998;Marcuse
&VanKempen2000a;Sassen2000a,2000c).Takenasawhole,the‘globalcities’
model –withits particular stressontheevolving networkof interconnectedurban
centres–hassparkedagreatdealofsubstantiveresearchthathasgreatlyadvancedour
understandingoftheplaceandfunctionofcertainstrategicallylocatedcitiesinthe
spatialgeographyofthecontemporaryworldeconomy.Bysituatinglargemetropolitan
regions within a common ‘globalising’ framework, this approach has opened up
uniquepossibilitiesforfruitfulcomparisonsthatpromisetoyieldnewinsightsintothe
changingrolesofcitiesinthecontemporaryworldeconomy(Abu-Lughod1999;Abu-
Lughod2001;Nijman1997;Portes&Stepick1993;Sassen&Portes1993).
Nevertheless, despite its considerable strengths as an orienting framework
forempirically groundedresearch,the ‘global cities’approach is not without its
theoretical limitations as an overarching paradigm for studying contemporary
cities.
4
Byidentifyingcertainkeyurbancentresasmaterialmanifestationsofthe
structuralprocessesofglobalisation,the‘globalcities’approachhasincorporateda
certainfunctionalistandeconomisticbiasintoitstheoreticalreasoning.
5
Thisway
ofthinkinghasinadvertentlycontributedtoanarrowingofthefieldofvisionfor
urbanstudies.Byanalyticallyprivilegingthefunctionalrolesandspecialisationsof
largemetropolitancentresintheglobalmarketplace,andbycategorisingcitiesinto
arankedhierarchyroughlyinaccordancewiththeeconomicpowertheycommand,
the‘globalcities’approachlimits,inanaprioriway,thekindsofquestionsthat
can be legitimately addressed within its theoretical framework (Robinson 2002;
Smith1998).
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By directing attention primarily to transnational business and financial networks
thatlinkleadingmetropolitancentresinaglobalhierarchydefinedprimarilybymarket
relations,the‘globalcities’literaturetendstodownplayoroverlooktheevolvingspatial
dynamicsoflargecities thataspire to ‘world-class’ status. In contrast,urbantheorists
suchasDavidHarvey,JohnHannigan,NanEllin,MichaelDear,StevenFlusty,Diane
Ghirado,MichaelSorkin, MikeDavis, Christine Boyer,SharonZukin,EdwardSoja,
ChristopherJencksandmanyothershavefocusedinsteadonthechangingmorphological
characteristics of urban landscapes and, in particular, on the use, management and
regulationofcityspace(Boyer1998;Davis1985;Dear2000;Dear&Flusty1998;Ellin
1996;Ghirado1991;Harvey1989;Hannigan1998;Jencks1993;Soja1989;Soja1992;
Sorkin1992;Zukin1998).Inlookingatthefragmentationoftheurbanrealmintowhat
DavidHarveycalls‘apatchworkquiltofislandsofrelativeaffluencestrugglingtosecure
themselvesinaseaofspreadingdecay’(Harvey2000:152),thesescholarshavedrawnour
attentiontothespatialityofcontemporarycities.Byhighlightingsuchspatialfeaturesas
‘edgecities’,gatedresidentialcommunitiesandotherprivatopias,fortifiedofficecitadels,
downtown renaissance zones,festival marketplaces and other enclosed shopping mall
extravaganzasastheyappearincitiesaroundtheworld,theseurbantheoristshavedrawn
ourattentiontotheevolvingpatternsofspatialrestructuringassociatedwithadistinctive
kindofpolynucleatedandfragmentedcityform,onewhichsomescholarshavecalled
‘postmodernurbanism’.
6
Unlikethe ‘globalcities’paradigmthat takes urban political
economyasitspointofdeparture,thetheoristsof‘postmodernurbanism’lookupon
thecityscapeasacontestedterrain,wherespatialpoliticsinvolvestrugglesovertheuse
ofurbanspace,particularlyinregardtowhobelongswhereandwithwhatentitlements
orcitizenshiprights(Borden,Kerr,Rendell&Pivaro2001;Dovey1999;Harvey2000;
Holston1999;Leach2002;Sandercock1998;Westwood&Williams1997).
As a distinct urban form, postmodern urbanism expresses the confluence of a
multiplicity of macrosocial trends, including deindustrialisation of the metropolis
(wherepost-Fordist‘flexiblespecialisation’hasreplacedFordistmassproductionas
the mainengineofeconomicgrowth),thewidespreadmiddle-classabandonment
ofurbanresidence coupledwithrapidsuburbansprawl,thedevaluationofpublic
space(parks,plazas,streetscapes,sidewalks,collectivemodesoftransportandeasily
accessible places of entertainment), and an awestruck love affair with an ‘inward-
looking’ architectural style that ‘turns its back on’ the surrounding cityscape.
Drivenbytherelentlesspressuresofglobalcompetitioninallitsguises,postmodern
urbanism conforms to an inner logic of spatial partitioning that privileges and
rewardscityscapesthatinsinuatethemselveswithintransnationalcircuitsoffinance
capital.Inaspiringtoachieve‘world-class’status,‘cityboosters’fosterthekindsof
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business-friendly, urban regeneration strategies that curry favour with large-scale
global corporations by creating cocooned sites of luxury entertainment, shopping
and leisure, while simultaneously leaving poor and working-class urban residents
tofendforthemselvesincompetingforaccesstoaffordablehousing,todwindling
publicspaceandtoprivatised(‘pay-as-you-go’)municipalservices(Connell1999;
Fitzsimons1995;Kenny1995;Loukaitou-Sideris&Banerjee1998).
Postmodern urbanism represents a distinct phase of urban growth and
development, one characterised by the shift from what Christine Boyer calls the
(modernist-inspired) ‘city as panorama’ to the ‘city as spectacle’ (Boyer 1998). It
reflects the collapse of confidence in the holistic design of the urban landscape,
a declining faith in comprehensive urban planning as a panacea for social ills, a
nostalgicfascinationwith‘smallisbeautiful’,aturn todecorativepastiche(orthe
freeplayofstylesandhistoricistallusions)andagrowingmoralpanicassociatedwith
the fear of crime (Huxtable 1997; Jameson 1991; Judd & Fainstein 1999). New
kindsofsegregation–whethersocialorspatial,semioticorsymbolic–havebecome
the visible signs of postmodern urbanism. The main instrument through which
social and spatial segregation is organised is what Teresa Caldeira calls ‘fortified
enclaves’,andtheprincipalrhetoricthatlegitimatesthemisthefearofcrime.The
newpatternsofurbansegregationhavecreatednovelkindsof‘socialspace’–neither
fullypublicnorcompletelyprivate–incontemporarycitiesaroundtheworld,and
these congregating spaces no longer relate to the modern ideals of commonality
anduniversality.Instead,thisnewkindofsocialspaceoperatesontheprincipleof
separatenessandassumesthatsocialgroupsshouldlive,workandspendtheirleisure
timeinhomogenousenclaves,physicallyisolatedfromthosepersonsperceived(and
stigmatised)asdifferent,threateningandunwanted(Caldeira1996b;Caldeira2000;
Davis1992;Merrifield&Swyngedouw1997).
Spacematters:post-modernurbanismand
the‘LosAngelesschool’
TheurbantheoristJanNijmanhasproposedthenotionof‘paradigmaticcity’asa
heuristicdevicethatcanassistusindiviningfuturetrendsinurbanrestructuring.
The ‘paradigmaticcity’maybedefinedastheexemplarymetropolisthatdisplays
moreclearlythanotherurbansitesthedistinguishingfeaturesandgeneraltrendsthat
aresymptomaticofbroadersociogeographicaltransformationsofcitiestakingplace
onaworldscale.Inshort,itanticipates,inagenuinelyprescientway,evolvingand
TheEvolvingSpatialFormofCitiesinaGlobalisingWorldEconomy
Free download from www.hsrcpublishers.ac.za
MartinJMurray
6
TheEvolvingSpatialFormofCitiesinaGlobalisingWorldEconomy
7
unfoldingpatternsofglobalurbanisation.Understoodinthisway,the‘paradigmatic
city’servesasanideal-typicalmodel,alivinglaboratoryforanalysisandaprototype
forinvestigatingtrendsthatarenotasyeteasilydiscernible inothercities. Inthe
1920sand1930s,theso-called‘ChicagoSchool’ofurbanstudies(undertheguiding
hand of Robert Park, Ernest Burgess and Louis Wirth, in particular) defined an
agendaforscholarlyresearchonmetropolitanareasthatachievedundeniablesuccess
asaworkableparadigm.Takingahumanecologyapproachastheiranalyticpointof
departure,the‘ChicagoSchool’urbanistsusedthemodelofconcentricringstodirect
attentiontosuchproblemareasaslandusepatterns,urbanlifestyles,ethnicrivalries
andtheeffectsofurbanenvironmentonhumanbehaviour.Despitechallengesfrom
alternativeperspectives,theChicagoSchooldominatedthefieldofurbanstudiesfor
mostofthetwentiethcentury(Dear&Flusty1997;Nijman2000).
Beginning in the 1980s, a group of urban scholars began to challenge the
conventionalwisdomthattheevolvingurbanlandscapeofthegreaterLosAngeles
metropolitan region was a notable exception to the rules governing process of
urbanisationinthecontemporaryUnitedStates.Theyarguedinsteadthatthisvast,
sprawling urban polyglot was not only symptomatic of wider sociogeographical
transformations of metropolitan regions throughout the United States, but also
a ‘prototype of our urban future’.
7
Despite their loose affiliations and somewhat
differing orientations, these urban theorists became known as the ‘Los Angeles
School’ (LA School), primarily because the vast urbanising sprawl of southern
Californiawasnotonlythesiteofmuchoftheirresearchbutalsothesourceoftheir
inspiration. The scholarly literature clustered around the LA School is filled with
allusions to, and suggestions about, the paradigmatic qualities of the Los Angeles
megalopolis.
8
The focal point of the LA School is the two-sided claim that the
greater Los Angeles metropolitan region not only is emblematic of more general
urbandynamicsthatarecurrentlyreshapingprominentcitiesaroundtheworld,but
also represents the quintessential exemplar of a ‘“mature” postmodern landscape’
(Dear 2000; Dear 2001; Scott 2000; Scott & Soja 1996; Soja 1989; Soja 1996;
Soja 1999; Soja2000).Bymakingastrong‘caseformovingLosAngelesfroma
conceptuallocationasmarginalaberrationtooneofexplanatorycentrality’(Crang
2001:666),leadingLASchoolfiguressuchasMichaelDear,StevenFlusty,Edward
Soja,AllenScott,MichaelStorperandothershaveself-consciouslysoughttodefine
analternativetheoreticalorientationforurbanstudies,arguingthatthenewkindsof
urbanitythathaveevolvedoutofthegreaterLosAngelesmetropolitanregionhave
renderedtheresearchagendaoftheChicagoSchoolobsoleteandoutdated(Cenzatti
1993;Coquery-Vidrovitch2000;Dear&Flusty1997;Dear&Flusty1998;Dear
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MartinJMurray
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The Evolving Spatial Form of Cities in a Globalising World Economy
3
head offices.
2
While globalisation has affected all. ‘paradigmaticcity’maybedefinedas the exemplarymetropolisthatdisplays
moreclearlythanotherurbansites the distinguishingfeaturesandgeneraltrendsthat
aresymptomatic of broadersociogeographicaltransformations of cities takingplace
on a world scale. In short,itanticipates, in a genuinelyprescientway, evolving and
The Evolving Spatial Form of Cities in a Globalising World Economy
Free download from www.hsrcpublishers.ac.za
MartinJMurray
6
The Evolving Spatial Form of Cities in a Globalising World Economy
7
unfoldingpatterns of globalurbanisation.Understood in thisway, the ‘paradigmatic
city’servesasanideal-typicalmodel, a livinglaboratoryforanalysisand a prototype
forinvestigatingtrendsthatarenotasyeteasilydiscernible
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