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Bài văn mẫu hay về sự phát triển của quân đội china, bạn có thể đọc và tham khảo cũng như tìm hiểu thêm về kiến thức.After a yearlong hiatus, the U.S. Department of Defense (DoD)’s annual report on Chinese military developments is back and better than ever. Its 43page 2012 predecessor was widely criticized for arriving far later than Congress requested and containing little substance or new data. But this year’s expeditiouslyissued 92page document continues a tradition of detailed, sophisticated, publiclyavailable U.S. government analysis previously seen in the 2011 DoD report, the 2010 National Air and Space Intelligence Center (NASIC) report on China’s air force, and the 2009 and 2007 Office of Naval Intelligence (ONI) reports on China’s navy.
Last year's annual report on Chinese military developments was widely criticized What does the 2013 version offer? After a year-long hiatus, the U.S Department of Defense (DoD)’s annual report on Chinese military developments is back and better than ever Its 43-page 2012 predecessor was widely criticized for arriving far later than Congress requested and containing little substance or new data But this year’s expeditiously-issued 92-page document continues a tradition of detailed, sophisticated, publicly-available U.S government analysis previously seen in the 2011 DoD report, the 2010 National Air and Space Intelligence Center (NASIC) report on China’s air force, and the 2009 and 2007 Office of Naval Intelligence (ONI) reports on China’s navy Like these other landmark reports, this year’s DoD iteration clearly and understandably comes from a U.S military perspective, yet strives to provide a comprehensive picture of Chinese military developments and the strategic concerns that motivate them This represents an admirable effort to offer a balanced assessment, as can be seen in remarks at the time of its release by David F Helvey, deputy assistant secretary of defense for East Asia Useful data are presented on everything from Chinese sea- and -land based energy access to apparent ambiguities in Beijing’s “no first use” nuclear doctrine to members of the Central Military Commission and their key professional relationships All this context matters deeply, and should be commended But arguably the report’s greatest contribution lies in more specific areas: providing authoritative assessments of key People’s Liberation Army (PLA) developments that are difficult, if not impossible, to achieve or confirm via other publicly-available sources, such as Beijing’s own recentlyreleased 2013 Defense White Paper—which, like many Chinese public strategic documents, offers few specifics Chinese government representatives are already out in force criticizing this year’s DoD report and claiming that its content is distorted or inaccurate, but as usualdo not offer credible evidence to clarify or counter even the report’s most important assertions Yet it is precisely in such areas—which include hard-to-attribute cyber activities and other types of espionage—that observers of China’s military development need the greatest governmental assistance After all, as a recentWall Street Journal op-ed argues cogently: “In the long run Beijing usually does what it says it is going to do, although the execution may be concealed with deception.” With respect to obfuscation, the report documents that China has conducted multiple naval operations in the undisputed U.S Exclusive Economic Zones (EEZs) of a nature that it would oppose a foreign military such as that of the U.S conducting in its own claimed EEZ—which it is projected to fill with increasing numbers of maritime law enforcement vessels While the report states that China is conducting such activities in the EEZs of multiple states, a reference that almost certainly includes Japan, it is worth noting the report’s exact wording with respect to the United States: “the United States has observed over the past year several instances of Chinese naval activities in the EEZ around Guam and Hawaii One of those instances was during the execution of the annual Rim of the Pacific (RIMPAC) exercise in July/August 2012 While the United States considers the PLA Navy activities in its EEZ to be lawful, the activity undercuts China’s decades-old position that similar foreign military activities in China’s EEZ are unlawful.” It will be particularly interesting to see how Beijing responds to such revelations, which further underscore the emerging contradictions between China’s promotion of restrictive approaches vis-à-vis foreign military and governmental activities in the Near Seas (Yellow, East, and South China Seas) even as it pursues increasing access to such other strategic seas as the Western Pacific and the Arctic Given this complexity, perhaps Beijing’s approach for now will be to denounce the report generally while avoiding this specific issue Breaking Down Australia’s Defense White Paper 2013 OCEANIA REGION SECURITY TOPIC AUSTRALIA In an increasingly contested Asia, with China rising and America rebalancing, middle powers are struggling to redefine their defense strategies One such player, Australia, has now done so in a way that seeks to reconcile its extensive national interests with a close U.S alliance, a web of new Asian security partners and a relationship of mutual respect with China It almost succeeds, but stumbles on a critical factor – money The current Australian Labor government is underspending on defense and so far the conservative opposition – likely to win power in an election due this September – is not promising much more Four years ago, the then Australian prime minister Kevin Rudd launched a defense white paper amid furious concern about China’s destabilizing rise A much stronger Australian Defence Force was promised with new-generation submarines, cruise missiles, and joint strike fighters This blunt document and its unusually clumsy diplomatic handling added to a drumbeat of political mistrust between Australia and its largest customer But a lack of credible budgeting undermined this vision of projected Australian firepower, and Canberra was caught committing the cardinal sin of statecraft: speaking loudly whilst carrying a small stick, the opposite of Teddy Roosevelt’s dictum With a quite different defense white paper launched last Friday, successor Prime Minister Julia Gillard treads a notably more cautious line, declaring that Australia "does not approach China as an adversary." China is listed this time as a military partner, complete with bilateral exercises, confidence-building dialogue and even an Australia-China Military Culture and Friendship week The document builds on Ms Gillard’s optimistic narrative of a prosperous ‘Asian Century’ It offers some even-handed and sophisticated appraisals of U.S.-China relations, and some acknowledgement of the need to watch for and manage risk, but does not fully convey how the Asian strategic environment is deteriorating and the possibilities of conflict rising So whereas the Chinese saw the Rudd plan as a red rag, it is tempting to caricature Australia’s new strategy as raising a white flag That is certainly not fair: alliance commitments still feature fundamentally in Canberra’s military strategy The white paper says Australia will uphold a rules based-order, is prepared "to conduct conventional combat operations to counter aggression or coercion against our partners," and commits to buying electronic warfare aircraft that could help in such a contingency It also confirms steps to use Australian territory in support of the Obama Administration’s Asia pivot, beyond the presence of Marines in Darwin Notably, airfields in northern Australia and the Cocos Islands in the Indian Ocean will be upgraded This needs to be done for Australia aircraft anyway, notably the new P-8A Poseidon fleet currently being acquired, but will open the way to their possible future use by the U.S military Notably, the white paper rejects the idea, advanced by prominent scholar and former official Hugh White,that Australia will somehow have to choose between the United States and China, and emphasizes the likelihood that those powers will succeed in avoiding major conflict The white paper also redraws the map of Australian security in a way that may not appeal to Beijing It makes Australia the first country officially to define its region of strategic interest as the Indo-Pacific This in itself is not an anti-China move, since the Indo-Pacific is above all an objective description of the super-region in which China is rising, given its large economic, energy and diplomatic equities across the Indian Ocean And it is a natural fit with Australia’s twoocean geography and the increasing attention being paid to resources development and military infrastructure in the country’s sparsely-populated north and west ASEAN chiefs work closely on security issues ASEAN defence ministers yesterday reaffirmed their commitment to work closely to address emerging security challenges, such as cyber security, potential communicable diseases and climate change.—Photo vov BANDAR SERI BEGAWAN (VNS)— ASEAN defence ministers yesterday reaffirmed their commitment to work closely to address emerging security challenges, such as cyber security, potential communicable diseases and climate change A press statement, issued yesterday following the 7th ASEAN Defence Ministers' Meeting (ADMM) in Brunei, said ASEAN fully supported the inaugural ADMM-PLUS Humanitarian Assistance and Disaster Relief and Military Medicine Exercise to be held in Brunei as landmark co-operation among the defence forces of the ADMM-PLUS members states ASEAN defence chiefs also adopted four concept papers namely: - Establishing ASEAN defense interaction programmes - The establishment of logistics support framework - The establishment of the ADMM-PLUS experts' working group on humanitarian mine action - The transition of the ADMM-PLUS experts' working group co-chairmanship In the Joint Declaration of the ASEAN Defence Ministers, they reaffirmed their commitment to fully and effectively implement the Declaration on the Conduct of Parties in the East Sea A Vietnamese delegation led by Minister of National Defence Phung Quang Thanh attended the meeting He said ASEAN needed to strengthen solidarity and co-operation for common prosperity, focusing on co-operation with China and the US, the two biggest economic powers in the world, which had influence on regional security He also reaffirmed Viet Nam's stand of resolving disputes by peaceful measures, respecting international laws The defence ministers also expressed support for their "leaders' commitment at the 22nd ASEAN Summit for ASEAN to work actively with China towards the early conclusion of a code of conduct (COC) in the East Sea to promote peace and stability" The theme of the 7th ADMM is "Securing Our People, Our Future Together" The ADMM is the highest defence mechanism in ASEAN which provides a platform for strategic dialogue and practical co-operation It aims to promote mutual trust and confidence through greater understanding of defence and security challenges as well as enhancement of transparency and openness ASEAN groups Indonesia, Malaysia, the Philippines, Singapore, Thailand , Brunei, Myanmar, Cambodia, Laos and Viet Nam.— Agencies Le van qui l8 b1 Trinh van binh L23 Le tuan anh Pham tuan Anh s ... adversary." China is listed this time as a military partner, complete with bilateral exercises, confidence-building dialogue and even an Australia-China Military Culture and Friendship week The... with Australia’s twoocean geography and the increasing attention being paid to resources development and military infrastructure in the country’s sparsely-populated north and west ASEAN chiefs... flag That is certainly not fair: alliance commitments still feature fundamentally in Canberra’s military strategy The white paper says Australia will uphold a rules based-order, is prepared "to