Michael Ê. Ñ. MacMahon FATHOM, PASSIVE and AMPLE is the 'same sound, short' as in FATHER, PASSING, EXAMPLE — which would argue for a realisation possibly retracted from CV [a]. 87 Smart too notes that the vowel of AT is 'nearly the same as the open vowel in far 1 (Smart 1819: 34). Yet, a few years later, he points out that a Londoner 'has even a narrower sound' in FAT than a French speaker would have in the French word FAT (= coxcomb) (Smart 1836: v). The pnly clear articulatory description of /àç/ comes from Thornton (1793:281) - whose accent may have been some form of British English. 88 He says that 'the mouth must be still more open than for [IPA [o:]], the lower lip descends a little below the tips of the under teeth, and the tongue must lie flat'. This suggests more of a back than a front vowel - the tongue would have to be noticeably humped for a front vowel. Thornton's evi- dence is, however, ambiguous because of uncertainty as to what variety of English he was describing. If, because of his years in Scotland, the accent (presumably his own) was Scottish, then he would probably not have had asAM Τ PSALM contrast. Thus, his realisation of a single open phoneme could indeed have been further back. 89 Perhaps the explanation for the varying opinions lies in a changing pref- erence: in the 1770s an [a]-ish vowel, by the turn of the century and later an [ae]-ish one, but with some authors still preferring the older pronuncia- tion. On the other hand, there is some evidence of socially conditioned variability in the 1770s, whereby the realisations of /àç/ acted as indicators of aspects of speakers' personalities. Kenrick says this: 'But who, except flirting females and affected fops pronounce man and Bath, as if they were written maen, baeth, or like Mary, fair, &c' (Kenrick 1773: 40; cf. Sheldon 1938: 278). He was presumably implying realisations which were close to the /å/ of MANY and the /e:/ of FAIR, as well as those which were diph- thongal, albeit starting from the general area of /àç/ and moving towards /å/ (not the other way round). A comment by Ellis, almost 100 years after Kenrick, again emphasises the role that /àç/ played as a social marker, (àç) [= CV [a] or perhaps IPA [àç]], 90 was 'also used by very delicate speakers, especially educated ladies from Yorkshire, in such as words as: basket, staff, p*zth, ptfss, aunt, in which (ah, a) [= IPA [â, ë] and (àçàç, aah, aa) [= IPA [a:, â:, ë:] are also heard' (Ellis 1869: 594). The accompanying comment about /àç/ being 'the despair of foreigners' would well suggest, in the light of twentieth-century pronunciations, that the sound was (with specific excep- tions such as the one above) closer to CV [e] than to CV [a]. Parallels to these types of /àç/ can be heard in some current forms of RP (cf. Wells 1982: 281). 454 Cambridge Histories Online © Cambridge University Press, 2008 Phonology Taking all the comments into account, one can reasonably conclude that /ýå/ had different realisations — at least during the fifty years from the 1770s: a vowel between CV [e] and CV [a], and other vowels open and retracted from CV [a]. Thereafter from about 1830 onwards, the realisation was between CV [a] and CV [e]. The lowering of RP /àå/ towards CV [a] is a relatively recent, late twentieth-century development (cf. Wells 1982: 291-2, Bauer 1994:115-21, esp. 119). 5.8.6 /àõ/ > /à:/ As with /æ/, determining the quality of /a:/ with any precision is not straightforward. However, one very useful description comes from Herries, who sets up two categories of vowel on articulatory criteria: those in which the sound is 'broader and fuller . . . arising from the flat posture of the tongue' (i.e. /î:, î:, è, ë/) and, second, those in which 'the tongue reaches forward, and gradually ascends towards the arch of the palate . . . and renders the sound more acute' (i.e. /a:, ae, e, e:, i:/) (Herries 1773: opp. 25). This would indicate that /a:/ had more of a kinaesthetically fronter 'feel' to it than /î:/. According to Walker (1791:10), /a:/ is the 'middle sound of a, as between the a in pale, and that in wait. An attempt can be made to calcu- late more precisely its quality by taking into account that its short equivalent was 'generally confounded with the short sound of the slender ^ (1791:11) — thus suggesting a vowel close to the open-mid quality of [e] — and, second, by replicating the sense of equidistance between vowels. If articulatory equidistance is used, then the result is a central vowel between open and open-mid [a:]. If auditory equidistance is calculated from the second for- mants of the vowels (by whispering them), then the result will be a vowel half-way between /e:/ (assumed to be [e:]), and /î:/ ([î:]). This gives another non-open vowel, but further forward, raised and retracted from CV4, i.e. [ae:]. A compromise between the two calculations gives [a:]. 91 That the vowel was not close to the front line of the vowel chart is evi- denced by other comments. Sharp notes that it is a 'medium sound between aw [= IPA [o:]] and the English a\ which is 'sounded like the Italian a, only somewhat longer' (Sharp 1767: 9; 17^7: 5, 9). Smith, nevertheless, would have it nearer to the front than the back line, with his comment that it is 'the German a, exactly in hart* (Smith 1795:5); see the similar comments in Gilchrist (1824:263). Further evidence for a fronter rather than a backer realisation comes from Adams, a good speaker of French, who had lived in the country for many years and who was well aware of the /à/ Τ /à/ distinction in French. He provides a social comment on what happens if 45 5 Cambridge Histories Online © Cambridge University Press, 2008 Michael K. C. MacMahon /ai/ is realised with too back an articulation: 'β ouvert et grand est trop dur, et grossier, [qui] imite plutôt le ris des paysans, ou des ivrognes, que le ris doux et poli du beau monde' (Adams 1794: 93). This would indicate, even so, that a backer vowel was in use at this time, though restricted to lower sections of society Ekwall (1975:23) maintains that during the first half of the nineteenth century the realisation 'in the standard language' was further back than CV [a], 92 which derived from 'the usual pronunciation in popular speech' during the last few years of the eighteenth century. Ellis (1869) has a similar remark to Adams's about the social marking of the realisation of /a:/: (aa) [= IPA [a:]: it is 'by some recognised as the common London sound meant for (aa) [= IPA [a:] or [A:]]' (Ellis 1869: 593). Certainly, by the late 1860s, however, a fully back open-mid or cen- tralised open articulation seems to have become generally acceptable: 'the sounds (aant) [= IPA [A:nt] or [a:nt] (laaf) [= IPA |lA:f] or [ld:f], 93 'which are now extremely prevalent' (Ellis 1869:149). Other socially marked allophones which Ellis draws attention to are (aah) [= IPA [B:], 94 'occasionally heard from "refined" speakers . . . while (awe) [= IPA [a:]] used by others is too "mincing"' (Ellis 1869: 593). He elaborates by saying that (aeae) [= IPA [a:]] is the sound heard 'especially from ladies, as a thinner utterance of (aa) [= IPA [A:]] than (aah) would be' (Ellis 1869: 594). Sweet draws attention to the diphthongal pronunciation of /a:/ (Sweet 1877: 111), with the tongue moving in the direction of the 'mid-mixed position' (i.e. IPA [a]); however, he points out that it is 'not marked enough to be written' - presumably, the intensity level of the diphthong decreases rapidly during the glide itself. And this is paralleled by a later (private) comment that there is a 'very slight voice murmur' between /a:/ and /m/ in ARMS and ALMS — he writes the vowel (aa 9 ) — but the pure [a:] is used in PART (Sweet to Storm 18 May 1879). (In ARMS and ALMS, the 'slight voice murmur' could be the change in vowel quality by anticipatory nasali- sation of the vowel before the /m/. Alternatively, in the first word it could be residual rhotacisation: see section 5.10.6. 5.8.7 /A/ Herries' articulatory description indicates a back vowel: the tongue is 'pulled backwards, and much depressed, to render the cavity of the mouth as wide as possible' (Herries 1773: opp. 25). Thornton's articulatory description is less transparent: 'opening the mouth a very little, just sufficient to shew the edges of the upper teeth and suffering the tongue 456 Cambridge Histories Online © Cambridge University Press, 2008 Phonology and lips to remain at rest' (Thornton 1793:280). This produces a variety of vowel-sounds because, critically, Thornton omits any mention of the posi- tion of the lower jaw. Comparisons with other languages are noticeable in many of the attempts to describe the articulation of /A/. The phonetic quality of the vowel fol- lowed by /r/ is described by Kenrick (1784: 56), in terms which allow one to calculate with some precision what the vowel sound was. With reference to the vowel in the words SIR, HUR, CUR, he says that it 'bears a near, if not exact, resemblance to the sound of the French leur, coeur, &c. if it were con- tracted in point of time'. Hence, a short, central to front, open-mid vowel. There is no evidence that it had the rounding of the French vowel. Smith says that the Parisian pronunciation of SOTTE (i.e. /sot/ with a centralised [5] allophone) comes nearest to it - 'but still not near enough'. German words like HOLL, BOLL, DOLL, similarly, do not convey the sound as an English /A/ (Smith 1795:49). Odell notes that it is close to the quality of the Italian o chinso or the e in the French words je, me, etc, or 'in the final syllables of the words gloire, victoire, &c. when they occur in poetical com- position' — which would indicate a vowel closer to [a] than to CV [A] or to [v] (Odell 1806:4). Duponceau's remark that his 'ear cHscriminates between the sounds of the English word buff and the French word boeuf, though they are both the same as to quantity' (1818:240) might be used a£ evidence that /A/ was closer to front than back, and open-mid. (Curiously, he does not mention the difference in lip-rounding.) Much later in the century, Sweet's comparison of English /A/ and French /o/, together with his remarks on different varieties of /A/, allow one to establish with some accuracy the qualities of the realisations: 'when I round but I get a vowel sumthing like the French in dot* (Sweet to Storm 18 Feb. 1889). Similarly, 'the polite sound is [IPA [A]]' (Sweet to Storm 18 Feb. 1889). This contrasts with the realisation of /A/ in Cockney,, [IPA [e]], and the 'pure back (e) [= IPA [A]] in the West of England and Scotland (Sweet to Storm 18 Feb. 1889; see also Sweet 1888: 275). During the course of the twentieth century, the RP realisation has moved gradually forward towards CV [a], although the backer articulations typical of the nineteenth century can still be heard (cf. D. Jones 1962: 86; Wells 1982:131-2; Gimson 1964:136,1994: 105). 5.8.8 /o/ Henslowe equates the vowel of WATCH and DOG with that of the French BANC andsANG (Henslowe 1840:1). If he is correct, then (at least his)/D/ 457 Cambridge Histories Online © Cambridge University Press, 2008 Michael Ê. Ñ. MacMahon had no lip-rounding and may not have been fully open. This feature is found in many of today's accents in the British Isles. 5.8.9 /î:/ Sharp states that /01/ is 'pronounced like the French ΰ'ςΐψ' (Sharp 1767: 18; 1777: 18). Similarly Nares regards /îõ/ as equivalent to the legitimate sound of the long a in the French language' (Nares 1784: 7). Both quota- tions present difficulties of interpretation: the absence of any reference to rounding, and, secondly, an open rather than an open-mid tongue position. Duponceau's remark, if it refers to British rather than American English, 95 that the *a in all and 0 in cottage differ in nothing but quantity' (Duponceau 1818: 239), further obscures the situation. According to Thornton, for /0:/ 'the mouth must be more open than for [/A/], but the lower lip must not discover the lower teeth the tongue is drawn back, the tip of it resting on the bottom of the mouth' (Thornton 1793: 280). The comment about the lower lip 'not discover[ing] the lower teeth' clearly indicates that the lower lip (or at least most of it) must be clear of the front of the lower teeth: this can only happen if there is lip-rouhd- ing. From the remark about the position of the tip of the tongue, it is not possible to gauge whether Thornton's /01/ had more of an open [o:] quality or an open-mid [0:] quality, or a position somewhere between these two. But later, in his description of /01/, he gives an important clue: 'the sound resembles the 00 [= IPA [0]], but the 0 [= IPA [o]] is made more in the mouth than in the throat' (1793:281-2). The strong retraction and low- ering of the tongue for [D] could, then, be responsible for the muscular sen- sation of a 'throat' sound. On Thornton's evidence, at least the /0:/ that he was describing appears to have been more open than open-mid. The evidence for an open, not an open-mid, vowel comes from John Herries: the tongue is 'pulled backwards, and much depressed, to render the cavity of the mouth as wide as possible' (Herries 1773: opp. 25). Ellis's description in 1869 also suggests that the phoneme had allophones which were open, but he allows for the possibility of three vowels altogether: open, between open andopen-mid (half-open), and slighdy above open- mid: in London speech 'the drawl of short (0) [= IPA [D]] is only heard in drawling utterance, as (ood) [= IPA [t>:]] for (od) odd, a& distinct from awed. Preachers often say (Good), but seldom or ever (GAAd) [= IPA go:d] for God* (Ellis 1869: 602). 96 The study of American speech instituted by Grandgent (see e.g. Grandgent 1895) revealed that the majority of American speakers 458 Cambridge Histories Online © Cambridge University Press, 2008 Phonology towards the end of the nineteenth century used unrounded, not rounded, realisations of /î:/ (Grandgent 1895:452). Thirty years later, Krapp noted the same feature, but considered it to be more typical of New England than of America generally (Krapp 1925JI: 141). 5.8.10 /î:/ > /îè/ > /ýè/ Most commentators simply note the existence of /o:/without going into detail, Sharp, for example, regards it as 'like the French ξ or ari (Sharp 1777: 4). Evidence for it having been a distincdy rounded vowel - at least at the beginning of the period under consideration - is provided by Herries. The lip-posture, he says, is 'narrow and circular' (Herries 1773: opp. 25). Walker's only comment is that it is a long monophthongal sound (Walker 1791:21). The first explicit reference to a diphthongal quality is in the work of William Smith in 1795: 'The English long ξ has in it a shade towards the oo, or 6th sound [i.e. the vowel of woo, FOOD etc.] (Smith 1795: 20). (Being Scottish, Smith would have had a monophthongal realisation of his Scottish English /î/ (equivalent to English English /î:/), and would very probably have noticed without difficulty the difference between a Scottish and an English pronunciation.) He does not specify any contexts in which the diphthong occurs, thus suggesting that in all contexts the realisation was diphthongal. A much earlier reference to dipthongisation could, however, be the GHdon-Brighdand Grammar of the English Tongue (1711:32): 'The Diphthongs ou or, ow, when they are truly pronounc'd, are com- pounded of the foregoing or prepositive Vowel, and the Consonant^ w* (see also Zettersten 1974: xxxii). However, this category of <ou> and <ow> words could refer to items such as NOUN and GOWN, which cer- tainly contained a diphthong. The evidence is, therefore, not wholly con- vincing for a diphthongal pronunciation before the end of the eighteenth century. From the early nineteenth century onwards, the diphthongal realisation is frequendy referred to as becoming the normal (or near-normal) pro- nunciation. Smart (1836: v) points out that in London speech, the vowel 'is not always quite simple, but is apt to contract toward the end, finishing almost as oo in too\ A few years later, Henry Day comments that 'some of the English vowels are 'occasionally' diphthongal, one of which is c o in bone, which commences with the sound of ξ in colt, and ends with that of od (Day 1843:445). (Day was a speaker of American English, and his remarks, espe- cially since they appeared in an American publication, refer presumably 459 Cambridge Histories Online © Cambridge University Press, 2008 Michael K. C. MacMahon only to American English.) The force of his 'occasionally' qualification is unclear. Some of the most perceptive comments on /o:/(or /ou/) are pro- vided by Ellis (cf. 1874: 1152). Discussing his own pronunciation he makes various points (the first of which has already been referred to: see above, 5.5.13). In an open syllable, e.g. KNOW, his /o:/ 'regularly' had diphthongisation; in NO, his /o:/ 'often' had diphthongisation. This should be compared with his comment five years earlier (1869: 602) that there were still some speakers who contrasted NO and KNOW by means of a monophthongal diphthongal contrast: in his notation, (nod) versus (noou). However, pronunciations such as the one he describes for KNOW, sow, etc, 'especially when the sound is forcibly uttered' are 'exaggerations, and I believe by no means common among educated speakers'. But, he asks, what causes the diphthongisation? 'In really raising the back of the tongue or in merely further closing or 'round- ing' the mouth or in disregarding the position of the tongue, and merely letting labialised voice, of some kind, come out through a lip aperture belonging to (u) . . . ?' He is obviously discussing a closer type of lip-rounding which does not involve associated tongue raising. The conditions under which the vowel is diphthongal are pre-pausal and before 'the (k) and the (p) series'. The tendency is 'least before the (t) series Before (t, d) I do not perceive the tendency The sound (bout) is not only strange to me, but disagreeable to my ear and troublesome to my tongue. Even (boo'wfy sounds strange . . . Mr Bell's [i.e. Alexander Melville Bell] consistent use of (. . . ou) as the only received pronuncia- tion thoroughly disagrees with my own observations As to the "cor- rectness" or "impropriety" of such sounds I do not see on what grounds I can offer an opinion. I can only say what I observe, and what best pleases my ear' (Ellis 1874: 1152). The fronting of the first element to a centralised or central element (e.g. [a] or [3]) was noticed towards the end of the nineteenth century: Sweet remarks on the stylistically conditioned central starting-point of the diph- thong (Sweet 1890b: 76), adding that 'the constant use of [EPA [o w ]] gives a character of effeminacy or affectation to the pronunciation'. Phipson (1895) writes of 'the fashionable London pronunciation' of ONLY as 'aunli', and compares it with the 'vulgar hounli' (Phipson 1895: 217). In 1909, Daniel Jones noted that the starting-point was 'slightly rounded' — i.e. not the full rounding that would be associated with a vowel transcribed with an [o] (Jones, D. 1909: 86). 97 The comment by Henry Alexander in 1939, who remarked on a sudden (and unexpected) change in the starting- 460 Cambridge Histories Online © Cambridge University Press, 2008 Phonology point during the mid to late 1930s, suggests that this particular pronuncia- tion was becoming more frequent (Alexander 1939:23). The result was the possibility of homophones developing such as BODE, BIRD; SOWED, SURD; WHOLE, HURL; OWNED, EARNED. The source of the change from [ou] to [ýè] could be, firstly, the influence of the less prestigious south-eastern form [ëè] — used, for example, by one of Montgomery's 'educated' speakers (Montgomery 1910: 48) 98 — fol- lowed, secondly, by a socially derived reaction to such a pronunciation, leading, in turn, to the use of a closer starting-point. 5.8.11 /è/ Herries draws attention to the specific lip-position: 'narrow and circular' (Herries 1773: opp. 25), and GHchrist notes that 'the sole difference' between FULL and FOOL is the length of the vowel in FOOL (GHchrist 1824: 262). See below, section 5.8.12, for further discussion of this latter point. From the second half of the twentieth century, there is evidence to show that the realisation of this phoneme has already begun to shift for- wards and to unround - at least in younger forms of RP (see e.g. Henton 1983, esp. 358). 5.8.12 /ø/ Thornton's description in 1793 of /ø/ indicates very close rounding: 'the organs are continued in the same position as in pronouncing [IPA [o]], except that the lips are so much contracted as to leave only a very narrow aperture, and are much protruded' (Thornton 1793: 282). Gilchrist (1824: 262) notes that 'the sole difference' between FULL and FOOL is the length of the vowel in FOOL. This characteristic is discussed later by Sweet, who writes of (fuul), with a 'pure narrow (uu)' being 'simply a drawled (ful) which is very common' (Sweet to Storm 24 Oct. 1878). The 'usual sound', however, is the 'diphthongic (uw) or (uw)'. Sweet adds, in emphasis of the diphthongal realisation, that 'Englishmen imitate the pure (uu) and (ii) of foreign languages with (uw) and (ij), never with homo- geneous (ii), (uu)' (Sweet to Storm 24 Oct. 1878). An even more precise description of the difference between the central and the finishing points of the diphthong is: '[the] lips [are] almost completely closed at the end' (Sweet to Storm 10 Jan. 1880). Gradual fronting of RP /ø/ towards [«:] has been noted by various phoneticians, including Wells (1982: 294), Henton (1983) and Bauer (1994: 461 Cambridge Histories Online © Cambridge University Press, 2008 Michael K. C. MacMahon 115-121). The latter describes this change as 'probably one of the most dramatic' in late twentieth-century RP. 5.È.13 /31/ Lepsius's description, in 1863, that the <u> of CURTAIN is 'pronounced more closed than [the <u> of] cuf (Lepsius 1863: 50-1) shows that a reali- sation close to, if not identical to, a close-mid central vowel had already developed. 5.8.14 /3/ Litde is said that leads to anything other than a very general appreciation of the quality of /a/- Comments abound regarding the 'obscureness' of the sound, sometimes referred to as the 'natural vowel', and its use particularly in weak forms in English (see e.g. Smart 1819: 36, Smart 1842: 26-7)" and in certain monosyllables in French (Peryy 1795: x). In 1767, Sharp described the final <a> of PAPA as 'a medium sound between aw and the English d (Sharp 1767: 5), thus suggesting a vowel approximately central and open- mid. Fifty years later, Smart is careful to point out that speakers may not use quite the [a] sound: it can be 'a sound that wavers between that in #/and that in ut\ as in COMBAT, NOBLEMAN, and^BjuRE (Smart 1819: 36-7). Such comments, taken with those much later in thé nineteenth century by James Murray and others in connection with the phonetic notation for the OED, m show that speakers had a range of unaccented vowel sounds that they could call upon, apart from /1/ and /3/. it is only later in the nine- teenth century that /3/ acquires even greater frequency of usage. In 1889, Johan Storm queried the use of the 'obscure a [= IPA [s]] as in America', to which Sweet replied that he knew 'nothing of such a sound' (Sweet to Storm 21 Jan. 1889). If Storm was referring to the stressed vowel (as seems most likely), then he had obviously noticed a pronunciation with stressed /3/ - which is in use today in some forms of RP. 5.8.15 /Ai/>/ai/ During the twentieth century, the phonemic notation of the first element of this diphthong has consistency been with either an [a] or an [a], despite the firm evidence that most of the realisations, which can be counted as coming within the ambit of RP, have a starting-point which is neither of these two sounds. Sweet's notation (ai) [= IPA [AI]] in e.g. his Primer of 462 Cambridge Histories Online © Cambridge University Press, 2008 Phonology Spoken English (1890a) has given superficial credence to a realisation which starts on or close to CV [a], even though Sweet's notation (ai) does not rep- resent a diphthong with a starting-point on or even near this vowel: Sweet's (a) is equivalent to IPA [ë]. The majority evidence from about the 1770s to the present day is that the starting-point has been noticeably more centralised. Sharp considers it 'like the Greek si or something like the French i long before n in Divin, Prince, Enfin' (Sharp 1767: 4) - which could be construed as indicating a starting-point which is not even close to CV [a]. Herries, in 1773, by con- trast, gives more convincing evidence of its pronunciation with his comment that it is a like a vowel beginning with that of RUN and ending with that of SEE. This would make it approximately [AI] (Herries 1773: opp. 25). 101 Odell, too, implies much the same, although his finishing-point is closer to /1/ than /i/, hence /AI/ (Odell 1806:13). In 1836, Smart provides a useful comparison between three different possible pronunciations: (1) a sound 'begin[ning] with the sound heard in ur, but without sounding the r, and taperfing] off into e' — this is the version heard from 'well-bred Londoners'; (ii) a sound starting with a and moving to e - 'but this is northern'; and (iii) a sound starting with aw and moving to e- 'which is still more rustic' (Smart 1836: iv). A few years later, in 1843, Day says that the vowel (in American English) starts 'from a position near that in which the a of fatherly formed' and going to 'that in which short / is produced' (Day 1843: 445). This would make it [ai]. Sweet's notation in 1888 in the Revised Organic Alphabet (his modi- fied version of Visible Speech) implies an open, central starting-point (which he elsewhere notates phonemically as (ai)). A back, open-mid start- ing-point characterises the 'vulgar' pronunciation (Sweet 1888: 275). There are exceptions to this view that /ai/ in the late eighteenth and well into the nineteenth century was [Ai]-ish in quality. Sharp, as we have seen, likens the diphthong to 'the Greek si or something like the French i long before n in DivM (Sharp 1767: 4). Adams, too, by his re-spelling of ò í i G í as (thei), strongly suggests a starting-point which is not only front but in the area of open-mid, perhaps [9ei] (Adams 1794: 85). Ellis, in a long discussion of /ai/, which includes a consideration of how the con- trast in Greek between X ≥l P anc ^ X°^P ls pronounced — at least at Eton College — notes the different realisations of /ai/ (Ellis 1869:107-8). The transcriptions by Walker and Melville Bell would be equivalent to IPA [AI]; Walker also allowed for the equivalent of IPA [ai] (Ellis 1869: 117). Smart's transcription was equivalent to IPA [òà], whereas Ellis hears 'Londoners' saying IPA [ai] (Ellis 1869:108). He does accept, though, that 465 Cambridge Histories Online © Cambridge University Press, 2008 [...]... 177 5, 17 84( a) 177 5 17 64, 176 7, 177 5, 17 84( a), 17 84( b), 178 5, 179 1, 179 2, 179 5, 179 6, 178 1,1828,1836 17 84( a) 178 1, 17 84( a), 178 5, 179 1, 179 2, 179 3,, 1836 178 1, 178 5, 179 1 176 7, 177 5, 178 1, 17 84( a), 17 84( b), 178 5, 179 1, 179 2, 179 5, 179 6,1828,1836 Sources: 17 64 Johnston; 176 7 Sharp; 177 5 Spence; 178 1 Sheridan; 17 84( a) Anon.; 17 84( b) Nares; 178 5 Walker; 179 1 Walker; 179 2 Fogg; 179 3 Perry; 179 5 Smith; 179 6 Anon.; 18 07 Hornsey;... 177 5, 178 5, 179 1, 179 6 177 5, 178 5, 179 6 177 5 47 7 Cambridge Histories Online © Cambridge University Press, 2008 Michael K C MacMahon With/h/ Without/h/ HMG O AE HOSPITAL 179 1,1828,1836 1828,1836 17 64 17 64, 177 5, 178 1, 17 84( a), 17 84( b), 178 5, 179 1, 179 2, 179 6 HOSPITABLE H S OT HOSTESS H SLR OT E 177 5, 179 1 179 1,1828 179 1 H TL OE HMN U A HML U BE HML U BY 1813 179 1,1836 17 64, 179 3,1828 178 5 17 64, 179 3,1836 HUMOUR0 177 5, 17 84( a)... types of / r / in accents of English: 'rough' and 'smooth' (Walker 179 1: 50) The 'rough' sound, which 'marks' Irish English, involves 'jarring the tip of the tongue against the roof of the mouth near the fore teeth'; the 'smooth' sound is a 'vibration of the lower part of the tongue, near the root, against the inward region of the palate, near the entrance of the throat' The latter is the typical English. .. The period from the late eighteenth to the mid-nineteenth century was one in which a change occurred in the distribution of / h / in some of these words The pattern can best be seen in the following, based on an exami­ nation of several works: 1 3 2 HERB With/h/ 179 5,1836 HERBACEOUS Without/h/ 17 64, 176 7, 17 84( b), 178 5, 179 1, 179 3, 179 6, 18 07, 1828 179 1,1813 HERBAGE HERBAL HERBALIST 179 1 179 1 177 5, 178 5, 179 1, 179 6... SHERIDAN 1 7 8 1 , NARES 1 7 8 4 , FOGG 1 7 9 2 I^UE SHARP 1 7 6 7 T I J J U E SHARP 1 7 6 7 /S/~M/ Only / / / : S C E P T I C YEOMANS 1 7 5 9 S C H E D U L E JOHNSTON 1 7 6 4 , SHARP 1 7 6 7 , SPENCE 1 7 7 5 , SMITH 1 7 9 5 , A N O N 1 7 9 6 , MACKINTOSH, MACKINTOSH & MACKINTOSH 1 7 9 9 , SMART 1 8 3 6 , S C H I S M Y E O M A N S 1 7 5 9 , JOHNSTON 1 7 6 4 , SHARP 1 7 6 7 , SPENCE 1 7 7 5 , SMITH 1 7 9... M P T Anon 17 84 P R O M P T Carrol 179 5, Hornsey 18 07 T E M P T Sharp 176 7, Anon 17 84, Fogg 179 2, Hornsey 18 07 E M P T Y Yeomans 175 9, Adams 17 94 B A N (D)Box Nares 17 84 G R A N ( D ) S O N Nares 17 84 H A N ( D ) S O M E Johnston 17 64, Nares 17 84 L A N ( D ) S C A P E Nares 17 84 OF( T)EN SOF(T)EN spb stb stk stl stn s9m mpt ndb nds 48 1 Cambridge Histories Online © Cambridge University Press, 2008 1 2... Carrol 179 5 Nares 17 84, Fogg 179 2, Carrol 179 5 R A S P B E R R Y Smith 179 5 W R I S ( T ) B A N D Carrol 179 5 W A i S(T)C OAT Carrol 179 5 H O S ( T ) L E R Carrol 179 5 O S ( T ) L E R Nares 17 84, Smith 179 5 C H E S ( T ) N U T Nares 17 84, Fogg 179 2, Smith 179 5 F A S ( T ) E N Fogg 179 2 A S ( T H ) M A Sharp 176 7, Carrol 179 5 A T T E M P T Yeomans 175 9, Nares 17 84, Smart 1836 E X E M P T Anon 17 84 P R... ldl lvp lvm rtg Nares 17 84 Johnston 17 64, Nares 17 84 T W E L ( V E ) P E N C E * Fogg 179 2 T W E L ( V E ) M O N T H * Nares 17 84, Smith 179 5 M O R T G A G E Anon 17 84, Nares 17 84, Fogg 179 2, Smith 179 5, Carrol 179 5 G O V E R ( N ) M E N T Carrol 179 5 LAN(D)LORD woRL ( D ) L Y rnm 5.10. 17 Elision of C in C C 2 kw dw sw rw In 1 A W K (w)A R D * Nares 17 84 ED (w)A R D * Anon 17 84 M I D ( W ) I F E * (pronounced... 1 7 8 1 , FOGG 1 7 9 2 , CARROL 1 7 9 5 , A N O N 1 7 9 6 , JAMESON 1 8 2 8 WITH JAMESON 1 8 2 8 WITH 'BEFORE A VOWEL' A N O N 1 7 8 4 , A N O N 1 7 9 6 WITHOUT SHERIDAN 1 7 8 1 W R E A T H JOHNSTON 1 7 6 4 , SHARP 1 7 6 7 , SHERIDAN 1 7 8 1 A N O N 1 7 8 4 , FOGG 1 7 9 2 , ANON 1 7 9 6 /s/~/V Only / S / : CRISIS EPD\ DECEMBER DESIGN (19 17) ANON 1 7 8 4 NARES 1 7 8 4 ^ N A J A L NARES 1 7 8 4 %s... not only opens the mouth wider than the former a [i.e the a of father], but contracts the corners of the mouth so as to make the aperture approach nearer to a circle, while the o [of C O T etc.] opens the mouth still more, and contracts the corners so as to make it the os rotundum, a picture of the letter it sounds' (Walker 179 7: 4) Note also ( 179 7: 11) in connection with the / o : / of L A U D , S . the older pronuncia- tion. On the other hand, there is some evidence of socially conditioned variability in the 177 0s, whereby the realisations of /àç/ acted as indicators of aspects of. at least most of it) must be clear of the front of the lower teeth: this can only happen if there is lip-rouhd- ing. From the remark about the position of the tip of the tongue, it is . (because of the influence of the orthography), and classified it with the other vowels. 116 Regardless of the method of classification, what is of interest is the distribution of