144 Labbai Labbai ETHNONYM: Kodikkalkaran ("betel-vine people") Labbai are one of the four Muslim groups in Tamil Nadu State. The Ravuttan, Marakkayar, and Kayalan form the rest of the Islamic community. According to tradition, the name "Labbai" was given to them by the Arabs, meaning "Here I am." Previously the Labbais were few in number and were under the control of other Muslims and Hindus. In order to get their attention and be recognized, the Labbais tradition- ally would cry loudly, "Labbek," meaning "We are your servants." Tamil is their main language, mostly spoken in the household. People living in the cities do speak Urdu, but they do not recognize it as their main language. In some Arab- influenced towns such as Nagapattinam and Kayalpatnam, Labbai Muslims write Tamil using Arabic script, the only peo- ple to do so. The origin of the Labbais is not clear, but a few specula- tions have been recorded. The historian Mark Wilks suggests that in the early eighth century AD. the governor of Iraq, Hijaj Ben Gusaff, drove a number of people, including fellow Mus- lim citizens, into exile by his barbaric actions. Some migrated to the western coast of India and others east of Cape Como- rin. The Labbais are descended from the latter group. An- other version says that the Labbais are descendants of Arabs who came to India in the eleventh and twelfth centuries for trade. But these Arabs were persecuted by the Moguls and were forced to flee the country, leaving behind their belong- ings and children born to Indian mothers. Labbais are known as traders, although residents of dif- ferent areas have different occupations. In the Mysore region, they are vendors of hardware, merchants, coffee traders, and owners of other profitable businesses. In the South Arcot District of Tamil Nadu, they grow betel nuts, manage a skin trade, are small shopkeepers, and trade at the seaports. The women of this district are expert at weaving mats, which are considered a valuable source of income. The Labbais of the Madurai District seem to have chosen a quite different means of subsistence: many are well known as smiths and others are boatworkers and fishers. In general, they are recognized as skilled and expert traders. The Labbais worship as Muslims and recently this has had great influence on their life expectations. About 80 per- cent of the Muslims in Tamil Nadu are Muslim Tamils and the remaining 20 percent include the Mapillas and Urdu speakers such as Sheikh, Sayyid, Sharif, Pathan, Ismaili, Na- vayat, Daudi Bohra, and Wahabi. Labbais and Ravuttans fol- low the Hanafi school, a branch of the Sunni sect. Their reli- gious practices demonstrate an orthodox way of living where men and their children go to the mosques to pray, while women stay at home to pray. Religious books are in Arabic and hold a sacred position. It is considered a duty to publish books in Arabic and distribute them among people. The Muslims do not recognize the caste system of Hindus, even though in the rural areas they are recognized as ethnically dif- ferent from Hindus and are categorized as a separate caste. Girls do not marry before puberty. They practice the Islamic ritual except in some areas where they have adopted a Hindu wedding ceremony. Marriage with a mother's brother's daughter is the ideal, if and only if she is the right age. Kin marriages are common to hold together the ties between fam- ilies, but no marriage occurs with parallel cousins. Family gatherings and visits are used by the older family members to find mates for their young ones. Bibliography Mines, Mattison (1984). 'Labbai." In Muslim Peoples: A World Ethnographic Survey, edited by Richard V. Weekes. Vol. 1, 431-436. Westport, Conn.: Greenwood Press. Thurston, Edgar, and Kadamki Rangachari (1909). "Labbai." In Castes and Tribes of Southern India, edited by Edgar Thurston and Kadamki Rangachari. Vol. 4, 198-205. Madras: Government Press. Numerous reprints. SAIDEH MOAYED.SANANDA]I Lakher ETHNONYMS: Magha, Mara, Shendu Orientation Identification. The Lakher are a Kuki tribe located in the Lushai Hills of Mizoram (north of the Arakan Hills), in India. Lakher is the name given to this people by the Mizos (who live in that part of the region extending from 22°44' to 22°55' N and 92°35' to 92°47' E). Cultural affinities have been noted between the Lakher and the Mizos, Chin, and Naga. They are also called Shendu by the Arakanese. The Lakher refer to themselves as Mara and are composed of six groups: the Tlongsai, Hawthai, Zeuhnang, Sabeu, Lialai, and Heima. Much of what is known of Lakher culture has come from the work of N. E. Parry, who studied them early in this century, and his ethnography provides the basis for most of the information summarized below. Location. The geographical locus of Lakher culture ex- tends from approximately 22°00' to 23°00' N and from 92°45' to 93°25' E. Lakher settlements are found, in large part, within that area bounded on the north and east by the Kolodyne River (though some villages lie outside this bound- ary to the west and to the northeast). The area inhabited by the Lakher is hilly (the highest peak reaching in excess of 2,100 meters), damp (in winter), and fertile (accommodating the growth of rice, flowers, trees, and several varieties of bamboo). Demography. According to Parry, the Lakher numbered some 10,000 in his day. The 1971 census of India reported a total of 12,871. A United Bible Societies survey revealed a total Mara Chin-speaking population of 14,000 in 1983. Lakher 145 Linguistic Affiliation. The Lakher speak Mara Chin (Burmic Family, Tibeto-Burman Stock), a language belong- ing to the Sino-Tibetan Phylum. History and Cultural Relations The separate groups that make up the Lakher are all believed to have originated somewhere north of their present location, in the Chin Hills. The advancement of these peoples can be traced with some degree of certainty, and the original home- land of at least three of these groups (Tlongsai, Hawthai, and Sabeu) can be posited. The Tlongsai migration began in Leisai (between Leitak and Zaphai). The original homeland of the Hawthai is believed to have been Chira (in Haka). The Sabeu are found in Chapi, but it is believed that they migrated to that location from Thiatla, which is near Haka. Before the advent of British imperial domination, intervillage conflict was the Lakher norm. Individual Lakher villages fought against one another and against neighboring peoples (e.g., the Khumis and Chins). The relationship between the British and the Lakhers was characterized by intermittent conflict, extending from the middle of the nineteenth century to 1924, at which time all the Lakher tribes were brought under British control. British rule brought both political and economic stability to the region. Villages enjoyed a period of internal and external security, slav- ery was eliminated, and a new market for the sale of surplus goods appeared (with a resulting shift from barter to currency as the medium of exchange). This marked the beginning of the demise of the village chiefs power and authority. With the ad- vent of Indian home rule, the political structure of the Lakher region was reorganized. An administrative structure was estab- lished for the Lushai Hills (to which the Lakher Region sends one representative) and a regional council for the Pawi-Lakher regions (to which the Lakher Region is permitted to send four delegates). The office of village chief has been eliminated, and the Lakher are gradually being assimilated into the mainstream of Indian life as citizens of Mizoram state. Settlements Lakher villages are usually built on sloping terrain just below the apex of a hill or mountain. Village sites are more or less permanent, with the people preferring not to relocate because this would require abandoning ancestral burial grounds. Names are selected for villages that highlight some natural feature associated with the location (e.g., Lakai, "winding path," was so named because of the circuitous road that leads to it). Temporary habitations are established in fields during the cultivation season so as to eliminate the necessity of relo- cating as the need for additional jhum land arises. The con- struction of individual homes is asymmetrical, and rarely is there found a major thoroughfare within village boundaries. Only the tleulia area (reserved for community sacrifices) and the home of the chief are placed preferentially, the former being found in the center of the village and the latter usually being located nearby. In antiquity, each village had an inter- nal fortress (1w) to which retreat was made in the event of ex- temal attack, with a network of sentry posts, strategically placed clearings to prevent covert attack, and stone traps (longpa) built along roads leading to the village. This system of fortification no longer exists in Lakher villages. The size and contents of individual homes vary according to the social status of the occupant. Building materials consist of wood, bamboo, cane rope, and palm (or bamboo) leaves. Economy Subsistence and Commercial Activities. The Lakher en- gage in most of the major subsistence activities (i.e., hunting, fishing, animal domestication, and agriculture). Jhum agri- culture (in which jungle is cut, permitted to dry, burned, and seeded) is practiced. Three implements only are used in the process: the hoe, dao (machete), and axe. While at least one report noted that the Lakher used terracing as a method, re- gional climate (which is dry) and terrain (which is quite steep) suggest otherwise. Maize, millet, cucumbers, pump- kins, rice, a variety of other vegetables, spices, cotton (for the manufacture of cloth), and tobacco (for personal use) are grown in the jhum fields. Rats, elephants, bears, snakes, dogs (eaten only by men), goats (eaten only by men), and various wild birds are hunted and consumed. Gayals (used as a means of monetary exchange and in festival sacrifices), cows (for meat only), pigs, dogs, cats, pigeons, and chickens (for meat and eggs) are domesticated by the Lakher. Fish, crabs (fresh- water), and mussels are among the river creatures sought for consumption. Horses (because of their use as pack animals), leopards, tigers, and cats are not consumed. Industrial Arts. Lakher manufactures include a variety of bamboo and cane baskets, mats, trays, and sieves (all pro- duced by men), nonornamental metalwork (daos, knives, hoes, and axes), tools associated with cloth production (i.e., spindles, spinning wheels, and cotton gins), cotton cloth (plain), dyed cloth, various items manufactured by unmarried women and widows for domestic use (e.g., gourds, gourd spoons, plates, flasks), pipes (for smoking tobacco), jars, and certain implements of war (e.g., bows, arrows, daos, and spears before the acquisition of guns). Trade. Trade is not a major part of the Lakher economy. During the imperial period, currency was acquired through the sale of rice to the British for military rations, the sale of cotton and sesame to the Arakanese, the transport of goods between Lungleh and Demagiri (for Lungleh merchants), and the sale of copper cooking pots (purchased, along with salt, from these same merchants) to the Chin. Bees' nests are also collected, with the wax being extracted and traded by the Lakher. Division of Labor. Men and women participate fully in the economic life of the community. Parry has noted that women are as integral a part of the agricultural cycle as their male counterparts. He has also noted that Lakher women enjoy considerably more personal freedom than their counterparts who inhabit the Indian plains. Some tasks are reserved exclu- sively for either males or females. Textile manufacture (weav- ing and dyeing) is the province of women, and the production of earthenware items may be undertaken by unmarried women and widows only. Men produce baskets, hunt, fish, go fowling, cut jhum fields, and construct or repair houses. Women gather firewood and water, weave, feed and care for domestic animals (e.g., pigs), prepare meals, and participate fully in certain aspects of the agricultural cycle (weeding, cleaning, and harvesting). Land Tenure. Village lands are owned by the village chief and are cultivated by members of the village only with the permission of the village chief. In exchange for the use of this land, there is a dues structure that each household must abide by. Sabai is the fee (usually amounting to one basket of 146 Lakher rice) that must be paid to the village chief in recognition of his chieftainship. The chief must also be paid a separate fee (rapaw) for the privilege of cultivating his land. If a house- hold has jhum land within the territory of more than one chief, then these fees must be paid to each chief. These lands are passed on as an inheritance within the chief's family. His eldest son is his heir (thereby inheriting all village lands) and successor (assuming the mantle of rule upon the death of his father). Individual ownership of land does not appear to be permitted, though each household is allowed to select its jhum once the appropriate place for cultivation has been specified by the village chief and council of elders. Kinship Kin Groups and Descent. As has been mentioned above, the Lakher are composed of six groups, each of which consists of a number of clans. The dialects spoken by each group are mutually intelligible. Each clan is believed to have taken the name of an ancestor, though it is no longer possible to trace the lineage to its point of origin. Clan solidarity is manifest particularly during life-cycle events (e.g., marriage, birth, death) as well as at certain sacrificial occasions of a private nature. For most other purposes, the central sociopolitical unit is the village. There exist no clan-based marital prohibi- tions, and at least four clans (the Bonghia, Thleutha, Hnaih- leu, and Mihlong) may be of totemic origin. Within the over- all clan hierarchy, royal clans assume primacy of place. These are followed, in descending order, by the phangsang (noble) clans and the machhi (commoners') clans. There is a discerni- ble relationship between clan status and material wealth. De- scent is patrilineal. Kinship Terminology. Omaha-type kinship terms are em- ployed for first cousins. Marriage and Family Marriage. Young men and women are allowed consider- able freedom in premarital relationships. Part of the courting procedure involves the male spending the day with the female with whom he would like to form a liaison. The two of them complete their daily chores together and then the male spends the night in the female's house. If the female is inter- ested in initiating a physical relationship, she places her bed near that of the male suitor. Liaisons are also formed during those social events when males and females gather to drink and sing. Men usually marry between the ages of 20 and 25 while women marry after having reached 20 years of age. Par- ents play an important role in the betrothal process. A man's parents select his bride, and individual Lakher clans are not strictly endogamous or exogamous (though the paucity of marriages within Lakher clans suggests the presence of an ear- lier exogamous clan structure). Monogamous unions are the norm, but concubinage is permitted (though concubines do not enjoy the same status as wives). A bride-price (the amount of which is negotiated by representatives of the fami- lies involved) must be paid before the ceremony may take place. The marriage is not usually consummated on the first night of the wedding feast, a period of at least one month being required before this takes place (this practice does not obtain in all villages). During this time, the wife sleeps in the house of her husband while the husband sleeps elsewhere. Postmarital residence is generally with the groom's father until the birth of the first child. After the birth of the first child, the new couple establish their own residence (though locational preference is not given). Parentally arranged child marriage, usually (though not always) involving two prepu- bescent children of the same age, is also permitted. These un- ions are generally consummated after both of the parties reach puberty. Marriage to a young woman belonging to a privileged clan and in general to a mother's brother's daugh- ter, is preferred. Divorce is infrequent. It has been suggested that the traditionally high Lakher bride-price contributes to this (a woman's parents being required to refund payment to the husband in the event of a divorce). Divorce regulations favor the female, though it is more usual to find proceedings initiated by husbands than by wives. Impotence, madness, and adultery are all considered sufficient grounds for divorce. Domestic Unit. Family size ranges from five to ten per- sons, with five being the norm. The typical household may be larger if a married son has not established separate residence for himself and his family. Inheritance. A man's property is inherited by his eldest son. This son is then responsible for repaying all of the fa- ther's debts along with the father's death ru (a due paid to the mother's brother, called the pupa). A husband is responsible for paying the death ru of his wife. If he predeceases his wife, this responsibility must then be assumed by his youngest son. While it is not required, the eldest son may give a portion of the deceased father's estate to the youngest son. Other sons are allowed no share in their father's estate. Should a man leave no male heirs, his estate would pass first to his brothers, then (in descending order) to his uncles, first cousins, distant relations, and nearest clansmen. Women are forbidden to in- herit, the one exception being if the woman is the last surviv- ing member of her clan. An inheritance may not be refused, and one must be willing to assume the assets and debts of the deceased in full. A widow is allowed to remain in the home of her deceased husband until a memorial stone is set up. If she has children, she may remain in the marital home until she remarries. If the children are minors, the widow receives her husband's estate in trust for her eldest son. Should the widow prove unable to provide for herself and her family upon the death of her husband, either the eldest or youngest brother of her deceased husband would receive control of the estate and would provide for the needs of the surviving family. Socialization. To a great degree, Lakher children are re- sponsible for their own learning. There is no systematic pro- gram for the acquisition of basic life skills. Children are ex- pected to observe the activities of their elders and imitate them. Parents appear to play an important part in the sociali- zation process, though the pedagogical method employed al- lows children considerable autonomy once they are able to work independently. Male and female dormitories, which ob- tain in a number of other Indian tribal groups, are absent among the Lakher. Once children have matured to the point that they can accompany their male parent on jungle excur- sions, they observe the methods used in hunting, fishing, etc. and master these skills by imitation (e.g., by making model traps). Boys and girls are taught how to care for jhum fields and girls are taught how to weave. Magicoreligious rites are, for the most part, mastered by means of observation. The sole exception to this norm is the Khazangpina chant (which ac- Lakher 147 companies the sacrifice offered to the god Khazangpa), which children are taught. Sociopolitical Organization Social Organization. The social structure of the typical Lakher village consists of phangsang (patricians), macchi (plebeians), and tiapi (regular citizenry). A special group ex- ists within the phangsang called the kuei. These individuals have been excluded from the obligation of paying the chief the sabai (rice due) and sahaw (meat due). This privilege is awarded to the descendants of those who have extended some special service to the village or its chief (e.g., paying the indemnity owed to a conquering village after a military defeat or extending hospitality to a chief's guests). Political Organization. The basic political unit in tradi. tional Lakher society is the village, governed by the bei (chief) with the assistance of the machas (usually a noble or gifted plebeian). Other officials include: the tlaawpa (village crier who dispatches the chief's business within the village); seudaipa (blacksmith); khireipa (village writer who handles the chief's correspondence); the tleuliabopa (sacrificial priest) appointed by the chief who offers the tleulia (sacri. fice) to propitiate the spirits inhabiting the hill upon which the village is located); and the cheusapathaipa (the cook for the Khazangpina sacrifice). In traditional Lakher society, the chief is the village's central political official during peacetime and war. He personally receives a variety of fees and services from the villagers and, along with the village elders, is empow- ered to levy such fees and services as are necessary to ensure the continued growth and safety of the community. With the abolition of chieftainship, the Lakher are being brought grad- ually into the mainstream of Indian political life. Social Control. Social control is maintained by the Lakher jurisprudential system administered by the chief and his council of elders. The chief has final authority in all legal de- cisions, but provision is made for the expression of popular sentiment in these proceedings. If the chief is unable to ren- der a legal decision, there is provision made for trial by ordeal. There is also a system of fines that may be imposed for various offenses. Capital punishment does not obtain in traditional jurisprudence. Murderers were required to pay fines-100 to 300 rupees according to Parry-and were excluded from per- forming clan-based sacrifices and participating in communal feasts. Other fines include those imposed for theft, assault, eavesdropping, trespassing, and character defamation. Con- trol is also maintained by a series of anas. These are prohibi- tions against certain types of behavior that are believed to bring bad luck or death. Conflict. As mentioned above, prior to British rule inter- village conflict was frequent. Resistance to British imperial authority was brought to an end by 1924. Since that time, the forces of acculturation have brought the Lakher closer to the mainstream of national life. The reorganization of the Lakher region, which began in 1947, has made it possible for the Lakher to have an impact on the government of their home- land and a voice in the administration of Mizoram, the larger state of which they are a part. Religion and Expressive Culture Religious Beliefs. The Lakher acknowledge one god (Khazangpa/Khazangleutha) who is believed to be the cre- ator of the cosmos, the one who decrees the fates of all crea- tures. He is believed to live in the mountains or in the sky. His name means "father of all" and his alternate name, Pach- hapa, means "the old man." The Lakher also believe that mountains, woods, and pools have leurahripas (evil and bene- ficent spirits). It is also believed that every person has a zang (tutelary deity/angelic guardian) charged with his or her pro- tection. Some leurahripas are believed to be the source of all sickness and must be propitiated regularly. Religious Practitioners. Magicoreligious rites may be per- formed by any member of a household. There is no hereditary Lakher priesthood, the sole exception being the tleuliabopa who is appointed by the village chief to perform the tleulia sacrifice. In most Lakher villages, this position is held for life. Misconduct can, however, result in dismissal and replace- ment. Upon the death of the tleuliabopa, the office passes to his son. The services of a khazanghneipa (medium) may be obtained by those desiring fertility, cures for sickness, or knowledge of future events. Ceremonies. Ceremonies accompany most of the major life-cycle events and other significant social events. Festival occasions are few in number and are usually associated with marriage and birth. A man of wealth may sponsor a feast upon the completion of a new home. Beer feasts may also be given by a man for his associates. The major Lakher festivals are Pazusata (a feast that marks the end of the year and dur- ing which behavioral restrictions on children are suspended), and Pakhupila (the "knee dance," occasioned by an excellent crop yield). The Siaha royal clan (the Khichha Hleuchang) departs from this norm. It has a series of six feasts designed to ensure favorable treatment in the afterlife (i.e., entrance into Paradise). In addition to these festivals, numerous additional magicoreligious rites (of a sacrificial nature) are associated with the subsistence cycle, matters of state, legal proceedings, medical practice, domestic affairs, ancestral worship, and the religious cults. Of these, the Khazangpina sacrifice (offered to Khazangpa), during which the sacrificer asks for blessings on himself and his family (e.g., wealth, health, abundance of children, good crops, and fertile domestic animals), is unsur- passed in importance. Arts. Lakher visual art is represented by personal effects serving ornamental and other purposes (e.g., belts, hairpins, combs, earrings, bracelets, necklaces, pipes, guns, powder flasks, daos, swords, knives, nicotine-water flasks, syphons, and the lids of earthenware pots) and by tattooing. Music is of great importance and the Lakher have three classes of songs: those for daily usage; those accompanying the ia cere- mony (performed over the head of a dead enemy or the car- cass of a dead animal); and those accompanying the Pakupila festival ("knee dance"). Instruments include gongs, flutes, drums, violins, zithers, and the chaei (a kind of mouth harp). Funerals, wakes, weddings, and feasts are all occasions for dancing. The Lakher claim that their dance patterns are based on movements characteristic of the fly. Lakher oral literature consists of a small number of proverbs, an ever- increasing corpus of folklore, and myths pertaining to cosmic origins, the exploits of primordial humanity, Khazangpa, and 148 Lakher the nature of certain natural phenomena (earthly and celestial). Medicine. Sickness is believed to be caused chiefly by leurahripas, who capture the soul of a person and prevent it from returning to the body. The ravages of sickness can be averted by individual or corporate sacrifice. The tleulia sacri- fice (described above), the tlaraipasi ceremony (used to pre- vent the outbreak of an epidemic), and the sacrifice offered to a local khisong (spirit dwelling on a mountaintop, in a pool, or in a lake) are intended to ensure village health. Personal infir- mities (e.g., swelling, minor illnesses, consumption, prema- ture aging, and impotence) can be alleviated by a variety of individual sacrifices or through the ministrations of the kha- zanghneipa. Medicinal cures (both indigenous and Western) are also used, but they are considered of secondary impor- tance to the sacrificial system of healing. Death and Afterlife. Death results when Khazangpa or a leurahripa steals an individual's soul. The dead are believed to go to one of three domains in the afterworld. The habita- tion known as Athikhi (literally, "the village of the dead") is occupied by those who have had an average existence. Here they live lives similar in quality to those lived on Earth. Dis- tinctions between the wealthy and the poor continue to ob- tain in Athikhi. Those who have killed certain animals in the wild and have performed the ia ceremony over them may at- tain to Peira, a domain near that of Khazangpa. Those who die unnatural deaths or perish because of terrible diseases are confined to Sawvawkhi. Men who have never had sexual in- tercourse are called chhongchhongpipas. These are fated to wander on the road between the earthly realm and Athikhi. As for those souls that have lived in Athikhi for an extended period, those of chiefs die, turn to warm mist, rise heaven- ward, and vanish. Those of the average person are trans- formed into worms and are consumed by chickens. It is be- lieved that the spirits of those who die as children transmigrate and are reincarnated in the bodies of younger siblings. See also Mizo Bibliography Barkataki, S. (1969). Tribes of Assam. New Delhi: National Book Trust. LeBar, Frank M., et al., eds. (1964). Ethnic Groups of Main- land Southeast Asia. New Haven, Conn.: HRAF Press. Lffer, L. G. (1960). "Patrilineal Lineation in Transition." Ethnos 1-2:119-150. Parry, N. E. (1932). The Lakhers. London: Macmillan. Shakespear, John (1912). The Lushei Kuki Clans. London: Macmillan. HUGH R. PAGE, JR. ETHNONYMS: none Orientation The Lepcha inhabit the southern and eastern slopes of Mount Kanchenjunga in the Himalayas, a land located in the districts of Sikkim and Darjeeling, India, lying between 270 and 28° N and 88° and 89° E. Their population in 1987 was estimated at 65,000 by the United Bible Societies, with 23,706 in Sikkim (1982), 1,272 in Nepal (1961), and 24,200 in Bhutan (1987), and others in India. The name "Lepcha" was originally given them by their Nepali neighbors, meaning nonsense talkers." Although the Lepcha have no tradition of migration it is believed they originally came from either Mongolia or Tibet; their language is classified in the Tibeto- Burman Family. History and Cultural Relations For over three centuries the Lepcha were a subjugated people, absorbing invasions from the Nepalis, Tibetans, and Bhutan- ese, with consequent effects on their language and culture, and therefore their distinct ethnic identity was largely sup- pressed. Today few Lepchas speak their own language, and most have adopted the language and ways of life of their local neighbors, the Nepalis. Intermarriage with Nepalis is also very common in areas of mixed population. Although there was a brief revival of the Lepcha script during the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries by Christian missionaries, the script was never widely used and has now fallen into obscurity. Settlements The houses of a village are often scattered in isolated areas of the fields or the forests, and there are usually no more than three or four in a grouping. Thus it is possible to walk through a village without ever noticing it. Traditional Lepcha homes are rectangular buildings, raised 1 to 1.5 meters off the ground on stone piles, with the space underneath serving as shelter for farm animals; houses are often constructed of wood, plaster, and bamboo. Economy The principal crops raised by the Lepcha include wet rice, dry rice, buckwheat, maize, cardamom (their cash crop), and sev- eral varieties of millet. In the subtropical river valley, sugar- cane and manioc are also grown. Fresh vegetables such as to- matoes and chili peppers are grown in backyard gardens and near the fields; wild vegetables and fruit are also collected. Hunting, once more common, is now seldom done, because of the time taken from working in the fields. The Lepchas have herds of cattle, which are generally kept for their dairy products and for plowing the fields; cattle are also occasion- ally slaughtered for meat. Goats are kept but never for their milk, only for their meat and for sacrifice. By far the most popular and numerous of the domesticated animals are pigs, kept for food and sacrifice. The food of the Lepchas is not nearly as spicy as Indian Lepcha Limbu 149 or Nepali dishes. Rice is the most popular staple of the Lepcha diet; wheat, maize, and buckwheat are also eaten but are not nearly as popular. Millet is grown for fermenting as an alcoholic beverage; this grain is never eaten by people. The Lepcha diet is rounded out with fresh fruits and vegetables; fish is occasionally caught but not often. The traditional spartan nature of Lepcha life does not lend itself to secular art or painting, which (except for spe- cially trained lamas) are completely alien to them. They are, however, outstanding carpenters, and many do find employ- ment in this trade; they are also noted for their weaving and spinning abilities. The Marwari, an Indian merchant caste, are chiefly responsible for setting up shops and acting as moneylenders to the Lepcha. The principle cash crop of the Lepcha is cardamom, their main export. There is no rigid division of labor based on sex; women, however, are strictly forbidden to kill any animals. Groups of women and men work side by side in the fields, and although men generally weave the baskets and mats, and women spin yam, if one of the sexes were to try one or the other activity, no stigma would be attached to it. Kinship, Marriage, and Family The Lepchas are divided into groups based on birth and mar- riage; these are the patrilineal clan and the immediate nuclear and extended family. The Lepchas count descent for nine generations on the father's side and a minimum of four on the mother's. They have a very small number of kinship terms and exclude the whole category of cousins; and, except for the mother's brothers, they make no distinction between the pa- ternal and maternal lines. For people younger than the speaker, they do not make any distinction based on gender. Only children's spouses have different terms for son-in-law and daughter-in-law. Any sexual connection with blood relations for nine gen- erations on the father's side and four on the mother's side is considered incestuous. Lepcha traditionally marry very young, girls usually before age 14 and boys by age 16. There are two stages in Lepcha marriage: betrothal and bringing home the bride. The betrothal phase is a validating ceremony at which the family of the groom presents the bride's family with gifts, called "the price of the bride," and once these are accepted the marriage is completed and the groom may have full access to his bride. Sociopolitical Organization Each Lepcha village is traditionally headed by a village leader, who is responsible for keeping order and collecting taxes. Crime is a very rare occurrence in a Lepcha village; murder is almost unheard of, although there have been accusations of poisoning. Theft is highly unusual because the Lepcha econ- omy is founded on the belief that people do not steal, and when this does happen it is very disquieting. Any outbreak of a quarrel is handled immediately by neutral persons. The Lepcha attitude toward aggression is that it is not natural and that it is destructive to the community at large. Religion The Lepcha practice two mutually contradictory religions si- multaneously, without any ambivalent feeling. The older Mun religion, named after the title of the priests, involves a special relationship with a family spirit. This spirit is appeased by animal sacrifices and by direct communication, as part of an effort to ward off evil spirits who cause illness and disaster. It is interesting to note that, among the many myths and leg- ends of the Lepcha, there are many accounts of the Abomina- ble Snowman (Yeti) in the glacial regions of the Himalayas, and he is worshiped as the god of the hunt, the owner of all mountain game, and the lord of all forest creatures. Tibetan Lamaism was introduced in the seventeenth century and is rooted in a priesthood and in sanctity gained by learning, not by inspiration; the sacrifice of animals is considered a terrible sin by members of this religion. See also Sikkimese Bibliography Gorer, Geoffrey (1938). Himalayan Village: An Account of the Lepchas of Sikkim. London: Michael Joseph. 2nd ed. New York: Basic Books, 1967. Hooker, Joseph D. (1891). Himalayan Journals. London: Ward, Lock, Bowden & Co. [Numerous earlier editions.] Jest, Corneille (1960). 'Religious Beliefs of the Lepchas in the Kalimpong District (West Bengal)." Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society 1960:124-134. Morris, John (1938). Living with Lepchas: A Book about the Sikkim Himalayas. London: William Heinemann. Siiger, Halfdan, and Jorgen Rischel (1967). The Lepchas: Culture and Religion of a Himalayan People. Ethnographical Series 2. Copenhagen: National Museum of Denmark. Tobias, Michael (1967). Mountain People. Norman: Univer- sity of Oklahoma Press. 2nd ed. 1986. New York: Basic Books. JAY DiMAGGIO Limbu ETHNONYMS: none Orientation The Limbu, one of the largest tribal aggregates in Nepal, live in the most easterly part of Nepal between the Arun River and the border of Sikkim District, India. The Limbu are of Mongolian descent and speak a Tibeto-Burman dialect. In 1970, the population was estimated at 245,000. History and Cultural Relations In the latter part of the eighteenth century Nepal was formed by uniting various ethnic groups and numerous principalities under a high-caste Hindu dynasty. This conquest resulted in a number of migrations of high-caste Hindu groups into east- 150 Limbu. em Nepal, causing an ethnic and cultural split with the Limbus. Limbus are considered the first settlers of east Nepal and are thought to be descendants of the Kiratis. Limbus be- came known to history in the eighteenth century, at a time when a number of small chiefdoms in Limbuan were under the authority of the kingdom of Bijayapur. The Limbus were expected to grant land to the immigrants for their support. The Nepalese government brought all tribal lands (with the exception of certain Limbus) under raikar, "a system of land- lordism under which the rights of an individual to utilization and transfer of the land are recognized by the state as long as taxes are paid." Before this system was enforced all Limbu groups held land under the system of kipat, in which "an indi- vidual obtains rights to land by virtue of his membership in a series of nesting kin groups." This change of land tenure caused Limbus to lose lands to the Hindu immigrants, who were mostly of Brahman caste. There were two reasons for this change. First, a shortage of lands was beginning to be felt, and therefore the government dissolved all the Limbuan rights to their kipat lands. A second factor was the absence of ownership documents, which led to legal conflicts over own- ership and rent. Surrendered kipat lands helped to finance revenue settlements, postal services, and the army. The Limbus were left only with the land they were living on and cultivating. The Brahmans had some advantages over Lim- bus: they were skilled and had labor resources that the Limbus lacked and needed. They were also able to read and write, which qualified them for administrative jobs and forced the abolition of the kipat system. In the eyes of the Limbus, Brahmans were "ungrateful servants" who were trusted with their land but "stole" it instead. The Limbus are now deter- mined to salvage their land under the kipat system and refrain from passing it on to members of other groups. Brahmans, at a cost to the Limbus, have become the most authoritarian ethnic group in east Nepal. Resentment is also felt by the Brahmans toward the Limbus; Brahmans regard the Limbus as "simple" and "concerned only for the present." Brahmans feel that if Limbus had looked to the future, they would not have granted their lands. The Limbuan struggle for land is an ongoing process that continues to affect social and political conditions in the region. Economy Agriculture is the main source of income. The abundance of land has made the cultivation of new agricultural lands possi- ble, but insufficient knowledge of technology has limited their productivity. Limbu grow wheat, rice, and maize, and they trade some of the crops for goods that cannot be grown or made in their region. A sexual division of labor occurs in agriculture. Men plow the fields, women plant the seeds, and at the harvesting period both sexes join to complete the job. During cultivation families bring friends to help with the fields. These groups of people share labor with one another during especially busy times. Another source of income for Limbus is military service. Economic hardship has made it worthwhile to join the army both in Nepal and in India in re- turn for a small amount of cash. Associated with military service is respect and honor, especially for those of higher mil- itary rank. Kinship, Marriage, and Family Marriage is defined as a legitimate union between a man and a woman so that they may produce legitimate children. In the past, marriages were arranged by families with neither the bride nor the groom having much comment on the marriage payments or ceremonies. After the wedding the girl would give up her last name for her husband's, in return for a bride- price. Modem times have changed this and now both parties have a chance to choose and decide on the matter. The gift giving continues after the wedding and marriage payments ex- tend over many years. Women play a great and very active part in the marriage, in part because in many households the man serves in the army for many years and the woman is the decision maker concerning the house, children, marriage, and business. Women also influence the stability of a marriage. The mother-in-law phobia is strongly felt, and in most cases the mother-in-law is the prime reason for a bride's departure. Language is also a barrier if the bride is from a different re- gion. The Limbus, like many Nepalese, are hesitant to ad- dress one another directly. Calling out a name in public is taboo and creates embarrassment; therefore the new bride is called "you" or "the wife of so-and-so" (teknonymy) and she does not have full status as a woman until she bears a child. Until full acceptance by the mother-in-law, the marriage is uncertain, as the wife can return to her natal home if she is made to feel uncomfortable. Polygamy is not widely prac- ticed; it is practiced only if the wife is barren or has failed to produce sons. Kinship is very important in a marriage. A union with kin is considered successful and ideal. For the Limbus there are three types of marriages: adultery, arrange- ment, and "theft." All three are legal. In case of adulterous marriage a bride-price is not required. Some compensation is paid to the former husband by the new husband. Also, if the woman is single, the new husband visits the woman's natal home with offerings to form a closer bond with her family. "Theft" marriages are common. The term "theft" means that she has agreed to be taken without negotiations. Such elope- ment is one way to avoid the high cost of a bride-price. The women in these marriages are considered as weak subjects, labor resources, and child bearers. For the Limbus these un- desirable marriages, especially theft of married women, are usually initiated at dances. Families related "by the bone" make up patrilineal lineages and clans. Death of a member brings pollution on the local agnatic descent group. During this time adults refrain from eat- ing meals cooked with salt and oil. Wives who have taken their husband's family name also take their impurities by eating left- overs from their meals. Lineage and clan groups are exogamous, so men and women with the same clan name are forbidden to marry or have sexual relations. Today, lineages do not have a great influence on marriage, though payments are made to the chief of the clan. In general Limbu families are economically and ritually independent of each other. Religion and Expressive Culture One area of difference between Limbus and Brahmans is reli- gious. Limbus recognize and participate in many popular Hindu festivals but also have a number of their own practi- tioners. They worship by means of blood sacrifice. They be- lieve that lineage divinities are not transmitted patrilineally. Lingayat 151 Rather, a woman inherits her mother's gods and when she marries and lives with her husband, she brings with her the deities that will then be recognized as the gods of the house- hold. Every time a bad thing or feeling is caused by the man, he will have to be washed clean of it. There are also forest dei- ties that inhabit the area and have nothing to do with women. Limbu bury their dead and observe two to three days of pollu- tion; the length of the period depends on whether the de- ceased is a female or a male, respectively. Drinking and dancing are very important to the Limbus. Weddings, mourning, gift exchanges, and settlement of con- flicts involve much consumption of liquor, especially beer. Dancing parties are given for visitors to the village. These af- fairs give the young Limbu girls and boys a chance to meet and enjoy dancing and drinking. See also Brahman and Chhetri of Nepal; Kiranti; Rai Bibliography Caplan, Lionel (1970). Land and Social Change in East Nepal: A Study of Hindu-Tribal Relations. London: Routledge & Kegan Paul. Jones, Rex L., and Shirley K. Jones (1976). The Himalayan Woman: A Study of Limbu Women in Marriage and Divorce. Palo Alto: Mayfield Publishing Co. SAIDEH MOAYED-SANANDAJI Lingayat ETHNONYM: Virasaiva Orientation Identification. The Lingayats speak Kannada, one of the four major Dravidian languages spoken in the south of India. They are called Lingayats because they worship istalinga, the symbol of Shiva, and they always wear it around their necks or across their chests. They are also called Virasaivas because of their deep love and commitment to their God, "the Omni- present and Ever Compassionate." Location. Lingayats live in all nineteen districts of Karnataka State in south India, which stretches from 11 °05' N to 19°00' N and from 74°00' E to 78°06' E and along the Arabian Sea. The north and central regions are their heart- land, although Lingayats are found also in the four neighbor- ing states of Maharashtra and Goa to the north, Andhra Pradesh to the east, and Tamil Nadu to the south. The cli- mate is basically a tropical monsoon type and the tempera- tures change periodically, varying between 15° and 400 C. Demography. The census of 1981 places the Karnataka population at 37,135,714 with a population density of 194 persons per square kilometer. Assuming that the Lingayat population has grown at the rate of the general population of Karnataka, the Lingayat numbered about 5,600,000 then. Linguistic Affiliation. The Kannada language is classified in the Dravidian Family, and the Lingayats fully identify with it. It is related to the Tamil, Telugu, Tulu, and Malayalam languages but it has its own script, which consists of thirty- four consonants and fourteen vowels. Its first poetics, Kavirajamarga, and first grammar, Bhasa Bhusan, were writ- ten in the early ninth and eleventh centuries, respectively, and its literary history spans well over 1,000 years. History and Cultural Relations The contribution of Lingayats to the cultural heritage of Karnataka is significant. Kannada literary historians have identified some 1,148 Kannada writers between the eighth and the end of the nineteenth century; of these, there are 453 Lingayats, 377 Brahmans, and 175 Jains, while the rest repre- sent other groups. Basava, the founding father of Lingayat re- ligion, was also in some ways the first to lead a successful cru- sade in the early part of the twelfth century A.D. against domination by the Sanskrit language in order to make Kannada, the language of the common man, the medium of literary expression. He set an example by recording his Vacanas (sayings) in Kannada and the tradition set by him continues to flourish in modem Lingayat writings. The ideol- ogy of the Lingayat culture also begins with Basava, who re- jected the feudal orientation of Hindu Brahmanism and sub- stituted for it a new social order similar to Gandhian populism and based upon the principles of individuality, equality, and fraternity. The cooperative, communitarian movement initiated by Basava continues to flourish in the modem political life of Kamataka. The Lingayat monasteries, spread across contemporary Karnataka's small and large towns, run schools and colleges with free room and board for needy students. These monasteries serve not only as centers of religious culture but also as centers of education; they can claim a record of fifty years of contribution to the educational progress of the state, unrivaled by other educational institu- tions. The Shiva worshiped by the Lingayats does not belong to the Hindu pantheon. He is formless, qualityless, and an embodiment of love and compassion. Lingayats worship him as a symbolic manifestation of the universe and call him their personal God, istalinga. For them Sanskrit (like church Latin) is the vehicle of feudal values, inherited inequalities, and priestly prerogatives; so they identify with Kannada and contribute to its literary richness and variety. Their cultural heritage therefore follows neither the marga (way of seeking) nor the desi (way of instruction) traditions; it rejects the insti- tutions, cultural prescriptions, notions, and values character- istic of both these Hindu traditions. It represents, in fact, partly a selective blending and partly a selective conflict be- tween the two. It comes very close to a populistic tradition, with its own institutions and values rooted in the 27,000 vil- lages and some 300 towns of Karnataka. Settlements Lingayat villages are usually nucleated with houses built close to each other. The population of a village may vary anywhere from 250 to 3,500 persons. Villages are dispersed and con- nected by paths and main roads that link them to the na- tional highways. Farmers' houses are made of either mud, stone, or cement. A well-to-do Lingayat farmer's house, made out of mud and stone, consists of three sections. The first sec- 152 Lingayat tion is a porch with a raised platform, usually open but some- times closed, which is used for visitors and resting. A thresh- old and a door frame with carved figures of Basava lead to the second section, which consists of units used for housing the cattle and for domestic purposes, including a kitchen, a store- room, and a puja (worship) room. The third section of the house, the backyard, is used for storing hay, fuel, etc. Economy Subsistence and Commercial Activities. The economy of a Lingayat village, which is predominantly agricultural, re- flects the Lingayat culture. Their social structure is populistic, with birth and occupation intertwined. Lingayats are engaged in an entire range of occupational activities-agriculture, commerce and trade, teaching and scholarship, blacksmith- ing, carpentry, weaving, oil pressing, hairdressing, etc. Tradi- tionally, Lingayat farmers produced partly for local consump- tion and partly for a market economy, and plowed their land with metal-shod wooden plows powered by pairs of bullocks. Much of economic life was regulated by the aya system, in which exchange of goods and services took place. The local artisan groups and labor depended upon the farmers for their survival. With independence in 1947 and the launching of five-year plans and community development projects, the tra- ditional mode of cultivation is being gradually modernized by the use of chemicals, fertilizers, lift pumps, irrigation, etc. Rural life, once characterized by exchange relationships, is giving way to competitive interests revolving around the eco- nomic realities of supply and demand. For example, the arti- san community in the village has nearly closed its doors to local customers, as it now seeks new opportunities in the nearby city market in its traditional specialities. And the vil- lage washerman's family also is involved in the city electric laundering establishment, the cobbler in its shoe stores, the blacksmith in tool-making jobs, and the goldsmith in the jew- elry store. So traditional work is becoming modem work, and traditional skills are becoming modernized in the process. The village farmers, who once produced primarily for domes- tic and local purposes, now prefer cash crops such as sugar- cane, cotton, chilies, fruits, and vegetables for export. But such concerns do not seem to have eroded traditional values as indicated by the increasing number of cooperative societies in Lingayat villages. Urban Lingayats are found equally in all occupations and dominate small trade, commerce, and the textile industry in Karnataka. Kinship Kin Groups and Descent. The kinship universe of the Lingayats can be described in terms of two categories: effec- tive and noneffective. Relationships among effective kin are close, intimate, obligatory, and reciprocal, whereas those among noneffective kin are less intimate and functionally in- significant. Effective kin are those closely related by descent and marriage, and mate selection among such kin is preferen- tial. Noneffective kin are remotely related and rarely remem- bered, and meaningful interaction between them is absent. Ideally, Lingayat kinship emphasizes the patrimonial princi- ple, but in reality matrilineal orientations prevail both in sen- timents and obligations. Kin groups among rural Lingayats maintain and reinforce their kinship relations through uncle- niece, cross-cousin, and exchange marriages. Affinal relation- ships are recognized only if they are involved in preferential marriages. Kinship Terminology. Lingayat kinship may be described as multilateral with partly descriptive and partly generic kin terms. Father's brothers and sisters, for example, are de- scribed as "big" or "little" "fathers" and "mothers" depending on relative age; terms for paternal and maternal grandfathers and grandmothers are treated in the same way. Marriage and Family Marriage. A common practice among Lingayat parents is to arrange their children's marriages. About five decades ago, a bride and bridegroom could see each other's face only at the marriage pedestal, but increasing education and widespread urbanization have crept into the villages and slowly affected the ways of traditional matchmaking. These days 'love" mar- riages are heard of even in the countryside. In educated Lingayat families, younger generations enjoy some freedom in the choice of partners, a practice unheard of half a century ago. The use of horoscopes is conspicuously absent among the_ Lingayats. Divorce and separation are uncommon and marital breakdowns are frowned upon. Precautions against possible disintegration are taken by arranging interkin mar- riages, which help to strengthen the marital bonds. In the event of a breakdown, however, Lingayat attitudes toward di- vorce, especially in comparison with some other religious groups, are liberal and tolerant. They are equally liberal in en- couraging widow remarriages, which are condemned by the Hindu-Brahmanic society. Residence is patrilocal among rural Lingayats. Upon marriage, the bride goes to live with the groom's household. Among urbanites they are expected to live independently. For an educated Lingayat couple, neo- local residence is the norm. Domestic Unit. The extended family is regarded as the ideal arrangement among rural Lingayats, although the nu- clear family is actually more common and there are occa- sional instances of conjugal family arrangements. Nuclear or conjugal, the family does not live in isolation, as it is always embedded in the larger kin group. Since the collective solidar- ity of the kin group is the prime value in the community, fam- ily autonomy and privacy are never its concerns. All related families are held together by a sense of mutuality and comple- mentarity. Such interdependence is seen on occasions of births, weddings, fairs, and festivals. The urban Lingayat fam- ily is primarily nuclear but it too maintains its ties with its rural kin by providing shelter, hospitality, and employment opportunities, when needed. Inheritance. Traditionally, legal rights favored the patri- lineage. Upon marriage, a girl took her husband's surname and all the legal claims that went with it. Her loss of a share in her parental family property, however, was met through ade- quate gifts of jewelry and gold during her marriage and on successive visits to the natal family. Her parents and siblings fulfilled their moral obligations to her, especially in times of crisis. Such customs and conventions generally created an en- vironment in which brother-sister relations continued even after the parents' deaths. The Succession Act of 1956 that gave guaranteed equal rights to surviving children of deceased parents altered the bonds that once united the conjugal and natal families and brother-sister relationships. It is not un- Lingayat 153 common these days for brothers and sisters to behave like ri- vals over the sharing of parental property and to take their claims to court. Socialization. The socialization of a Lingayat child begins immediately after birth when the priest, the jangama, visits the home, names the child, and initiates him or her into the Lingayat faith by tying a linga around the child's neck. His role in communicating the values of his faith continues throughout the life of the named child, especially during some major life stages. Among other agents of socialization, mother, grandmother, father, siblings, and other extended relatives are significant, in that order. Among the nonfamilial agents, priest, peer group, elders, and teachers are effective. Socialization within the family is primarily informal and learning occurs there mostly by observation and imitation. Obedience and respect for elders, trust in their god and reli- gion, hard work, and generosity are some of the values that Lingayat parents like to see in their children. Sociopolitical Organization Social Organization. The Lingayat system of social strati- fication is built largely around wealth, power, and prestige in both secular and religious spheres. Occupational and social mobility are open to everyone. Lingayats are therefore in- volved in all sectors of the economy. Their work ethic flows directly from their ethic of kayaka (rites and observances per- formed with the body, hence the spiritual value of labor); their role in community building comes from their practice of dashoha (community sharing of one's own labor), and their identification with society at large from their notion of aikya (being with the linga is being with society). Lingayat eco- nomic behavior therefore stems from the values enshrined in their ideology. Political Organization. Lingayats are actively involved po- litically through participation in the democratic establish- ment in Karnataka. Its political history records the successful mobilization of Lingayats in achieving power at the village level, in unifying a single united Karnataka that was divided among several adjoining states prior to 1956, and in promot- ing village links with the center. In carrying this out, they have long been aware that social mobilization could not be achieved without a political orientation. The hundreds of bi- ographies of successful Lingayats (published by the Gadag Tontadarya monastery) provide ample evidence of this aware- ness. The secular and religious leaders steer their community, mediated by its middle- and lower-middle-class core, well be- yond communal polities into the universal polity, and from premodern polities to a modem, liberal one. Religion and Expressive Culture Religious Beliefs. The Lingayat religion is the largest es- tablished religion in Karnataka. Other established religions include Brahmanism, Jainism, and Islam. Lingayats do not label themselves Hindus and claim an independent status for their faith. The Lingayat theological doctrine of sakti- visistadvaita (a qualified monistic philosophy characterized by Sakti, the spiritual power of Shiva); its socialization agents, the guru and the jangama (monk); and its notion of istalinga are distinctively Lingayat in character. Its system in- volving astavarnas (eight supportive systems), panca acaras (five principles of conduct), and sat stalas (six stages related to social and religious progress) has helped to transform Lin- gayatism into a distinct framework. Their ethical and behav- ioral norms have given them a capacity to coexist with other sociocultural groups and at the same time preserve their reli- gious and cultural homogeneity and identity. The beliefs and behavioral patterns of Lingayats are expounded in the com- positions of Basava, whom they regard as their founding fa- ther as well as a dominant influence in the works of his col- leagues. These compositions, collectively known as the Vacanas, have the status of sacred literature, are taught to Lingayats from childhood, and are internalized by them. Lin- gayats believe in a one-and-only God and worship him in the form of istalinga, which resembles the shape of a globe. Lin- gayats are antimagic and antisupernatural in their religious orientation. They do not worship stone images and the dei- ties of the desi tradition. They believe that devotion to Basava and the other Lingayat saints will bring them their blessings and guard their lives. Religious Practitioners. They have their own priests who officiate at the various life-cycle rites, of which the prominent ones are those dealing with birth, marriage, and death. Priest- hood among Lingayats is not ascriptive and is open to all irre- spective of sex. Lingayats do not consider the world as maya, an illusion, and reject the Hindu notions of karma, rebirth, purity, and pollution. Ceremonies. The Lingayat ritual calendar gives promi- nence to the birthdays of their saints, the first in importance being the birthday of Basava. In addition, they celebrate Hindu festivals such as Dipavali, Yugadi, and Sankramana. Their centers of pilgrimage are at Kalyan, Ulive, and Srisaila, the places where Basava, his nephew Cennabasava, Allama Prabhu, and Akka Mahadevi are laid to eternal rest. Arts. Although Lingayats in past centuries were noted for their religious poetry and philosophical writings, today the chief arts are the singing and playing of hymns. There is no marked ability shown in the visual arts. Medicine. Lingayat priests (called ayya or swami) are also astrologers and medicine men, often dispensing herbal reme- dies to sick villagers. This is a useful craft for them to possess, rather than a learned profession. Death and Afterlife. For Lingayats there is no life after death. They believe that there is one and only one life and that a Lingayat can, by his or her deeds, make this life a hell or heaven. At death, he or she is believed to have returned to God and to be united with him. They call this state aikya (unity with linga). Since the dead person is believed to have attained the status of Shiva, the body is washed, clothed, decked with flowers, worshiped, and carried in a procession to the burial yard accompanied by singing in praise of Shiva. See also Badaga; Kanarese Bibliography Beals, Alan R. (1967). "Pervasive Factionalism in Namhalli." In Divisiveness and Social Conflict: An Anthropological Ap- proach, edited by Alan R Beals and Bernard J. Siegel, 117- 138. Stanford: Stanford University Press. Chekki, D. A. (1974). Modernization and Kin Network. Leiden: E. J. Brill. . and Chins). The relationship between the British and the Lakhers was characterized by intermittent conflict, extending from the middle of the nineteenth century to 1924, at which time all the Lakher tribes were brought under British control. British rule brought both political and economic stability to the region. Villages enjoyed a period of internal and external security, slav- ery was eliminated, and a new market for the sale of surplus goods appeared (with a resulting shift from barter to currency as the medium of exchange). This marked the beginning of the demise of the village chiefs power and authority. With the ad- vent of Indian home rule, the political structure of the Lakher region was reorganized. An administrative structure was estab- lished for the Lushai Hills (to which the Lakher Region sends one representative) and a regional council for the Pawi-Lakher regions (to which the Lakher Region is permitted to send four delegates). The office of village chief has been eliminated, and the Lakher are gradually being assimilated into the mainstream of Indian life as citizens of Mizoram state. Settlements Lakher villages are usually built on sloping terrain just below the apex of a hill or mountain. Village sites are more or less permanent, with the people preferring not to relocate because this would require abandoning ancestral burial grounds. Names are selected for villages that highlight some natural feature associated with the location (e.g., Lakai, "winding path," was so named because of the circuitous road that leads to it). Temporary habitations are established in fields during the cultivation season so as to eliminate the necessity of relo- cating as the need for additional jhum land arises. The con- struction of individual homes is asymmetrical, and rarely is there found a major thoroughfare within village boundaries. Only the tleulia area (reserved for community sacrifices) and the home of the chief are placed preferentially, the former being found in the center of the village and the latter usually being located nearby. In antiquity, each village had an inter- nal fortress (1w) to which retreat was made in the event of ex- temal attack, with a network of sentry posts, strategically placed clearings to prevent covert attack, and stone traps (longpa) built along roads leading to the village. This system of fortification no longer exists in Lakher villages. The size and contents of individual homes vary according to the social status of the occupant. Building materials consist of wood, bamboo, cane rope, and palm (or bamboo) leaves. Economy Subsistence and Commercial Activities. The Lakher en- gage in most of the major subsistence activities (i.e., hunting, fishing, animal domestication, and agriculture). Jhum agri- culture (in which jungle is cut, permitted to dry, burned, and seeded) is practiced. Three implements only are used in the process: the hoe, dao (machete), and axe. While at least one report noted that the Lakher used terracing as a method, re- gional climate (which is dry) and terrain (which is quite steep) suggest otherwise. Maize, millet, cucumbers, pump- kins, rice, a variety of other vegetables, spices, cotton (for the manufacture of cloth), and tobacco (for personal use) are grown in the jhum fields. Rats, elephants, bears, snakes, dogs (eaten only by men), goats (eaten only by men), and various wild birds are hunted and consumed. Gayals (used as a means of monetary exchange and in festival sacrifices), cows (for meat only), pigs, dogs, cats, pigeons, and chickens (for meat and eggs) are domesticated by the Lakher. Fish, crabs (fresh- water), and mussels are among the river creatures sought for consumption. Horses (because of their use as pack animals), leopards, tigers, and cats are not consumed. Industrial Arts. Lakher manufactures include a variety of bamboo and cane baskets, mats, trays, and sieves (all pro- duced by men), nonornamental metalwork (daos, knives, hoes, and axes), tools associated with cloth production (i.e., spindles, spinning wheels, and cotton gins), cotton cloth (plain), dyed cloth, various items manufactured by unmarried women and widows for domestic use (e.g., gourds, gourd spoons, plates, flasks), pipes (for smoking tobacco), jars, and certain implements of war (e.g., bows, arrows, daos, and spears before the acquisition of guns). Trade. Trade is not a major part of the Lakher economy. During the imperial period, currency was acquired through the sale of rice to the British for military rations, the sale of cotton and sesame to the Arakanese, the transport of goods between Lungleh and Demagiri (for Lungleh merchants), and the sale of copper cooking pots (purchased, along with salt, from these same merchants) to the Chin. Bees' nests are also collected, with the wax being extracted and traded by the Lakher. Division of Labor. Men and women participate fully in the economic life of the community. Parry has noted that women are as integral a part of the agricultural cycle as their male counterparts. He has also noted that Lakher women enjoy considerably more personal freedom than their counterparts who inhabit the Indian plains. Some tasks are reserved exclu- sively for either males or females. Textile manufacture (weav- ing and dyeing) is the province of women, and the production of earthenware items may be undertaken by unmarried women and widows only. Men produce baskets, hunt, fish, go fowling, cut jhum fields, and construct or repair houses. Women gather firewood and water, weave, feed and care for domestic animals (e.g., pigs), prepare meals, and participate fully in certain aspects of the agricultural cycle (weeding, cleaning, and harvesting). Land Tenure. Village lands are owned by the village chief and are cultivated by members of the village only with the permission of the village chief. In exchange for the use. by the Sanskrit language in order to make Kannada, the language of the common man, the medium of literary expression. He set an example by recording his Vacanas (sayings) in Kannada and the tradition set by him continues to flourish in modem Lingayat writings. The ideol- ogy of the Lingayat culture also begins with Basava, who re- jected the feudal orientation of Hindu Brahmanism and sub- stituted for it a new social order similar to Gandhian populism and based upon the principles of individuality, equality, and fraternity. The cooperative, communitarian movement initiated by Basava continues to flourish in the modem political life of Kamataka. The Lingayat monasteries, spread across contemporary Karnataka's small and large towns, run schools and colleges with free room and board for needy students. These monasteries serve not only as centers of religious culture but also as centers of education; they can claim a record of fifty years of contribution to the educational progress of the state, unrivaled by other educational institu- tions. The Shiva worshiped by the Lingayats does not belong to the Hindu pantheon. He is formless, qualityless, and an embodiment of love and compassion. Lingayats worship him as a symbolic manifestation of the universe and call him their personal God, istalinga. For them Sanskrit (like church Latin) is the vehicle of feudal values, inherited inequalities, and priestly prerogatives; so they identify with Kannada and contribute to its literary richness and variety. Their cultural heritage therefore follows neither the marga (way of seeking) nor the desi (way of instruction) traditions; it rejects the insti- tutions, cultural prescriptions, notions, and values character- istic of both these Hindu traditions. It represents, in fact, partly a selective blending and partly a selective conflict be- tween the two. It comes very close to a populistic tradition, with its own institutions and values rooted in the 27,000 vil- lages and some 300 towns of Karnataka. Settlements Lingayat villages are usually nucleated with houses built close to each other. The population of a village may vary anywhere from 250 to 3,500 persons. Villages are dispersed and con- nected by paths and main roads that link them to the na- tional highways. Farmers' houses are made of either mud, stone, or cement. A well-to-do Lingayat farmer's house, made out of mud and stone, consists of three sections. The first sec- 152 Lingayat tion is a porch with a raised platform, usually open but some- times closed, which is used for visitors and resting. A thresh- old and a door frame with carved figures of Basava lead to the second section, which consists of units used for housing the cattle and for domestic purposes, including a kitchen, a store- room, and a puja (worship) room. The third section of the house, the backyard, is used for storing hay, fuel, etc. Economy Subsistence and Commercial Activities. The economy of a Lingayat village, which is predominantly agricultural, re- flects the Lingayat culture. Their social structure is populistic, with birth and occupation intertwined. Lingayats are engaged in an entire range of occupational activities-agriculture, commerce and trade, teaching and scholarship, blacksmith- ing, carpentry, weaving, oil pressing, hairdressing, etc. Tradi- tionally, Lingayat farmers produced partly for local consump- tion and partly for a market economy, and plowed their land with metal-shod wooden plows powered by pairs of bullocks. Much of economic life was regulated by the aya system, in which exchange of goods and services took place. The local artisan groups and labor depended upon the farmers for their survival. With independence in 1947 and the launching of five-year plans and community development projects, the tra- ditional mode of cultivation is being gradually modernized by the use of chemicals, fertilizers, lift pumps, irrigation, etc. Rural life, once characterized by exchange relationships, is giving way to competitive interests revolving around the eco- nomic realities of supply and demand. For example, the arti- san community in the village has nearly closed its doors to local customers, as it now seeks new opportunities in the nearby city market in its traditional specialities. And the vil- lage washerman's family also is involved in the city electric laundering establishment, the cobbler in its shoe stores, the blacksmith in tool-making jobs, and the goldsmith in the jew- elry store. So traditional work is becoming modem work, and traditional skills are becoming modernized in the process. The village farmers, who once produced primarily for domes- tic and local purposes, now prefer cash crops such as sugar- cane, cotton, chilies, fruits, and vegetables for export. But such concerns do not seem to have eroded traditional values as indicated by the increasing number of cooperative societies in Lingayat villages. Urban Lingayats are found equally in all occupations and dominate small trade, commerce, and the textile industry in Karnataka. Kinship Kin Groups and Descent. The kinship universe of the Lingayats can be described in terms of two categories: effec- tive and noneffective. Relationships among effective kin are close, intimate, obligatory, and reciprocal, whereas those among noneffective kin are less intimate and functionally in- significant. Effective kin are those closely related by descent and marriage, and mate selection among such kin is preferen- tial. Noneffective kin are remotely related and rarely remem- bered, and meaningful interaction between them is absent. Ideally, Lingayat kinship emphasizes the patrimonial princi- ple, but in reality matrilineal orientations prevail both in sen- timents and obligations. Kin groups among rural Lingayats maintain and reinforce their kinship relations through uncle- niece, cross-cousin, and exchange marriages. Affinal relation- ships are recognized only if they are involved in preferential marriages. Kinship Terminology. Lingayat kinship may be described as multilateral with partly descriptive and partly generic kin terms. Father's brothers and sisters, for example, are de- scribed as "big" or "little" "fathers" and "mothers" depending on relative age; terms for paternal and maternal grandfathers and grandmothers are treated in the same way. Marriage and Family Marriage. A common practice among Lingayat parents is to arrange their children's marriages. About five decades ago, a bride and bridegroom could see each other's face only at the marriage pedestal, but increasing education and widespread urbanization have crept into the villages and slowly affected the ways of traditional matchmaking. These days 'love" mar- riages are heard of even in the countryside. In educated Lingayat families, younger generations enjoy some freedom in the choice of partners, a practice unheard of half a century ago. The use of horoscopes is conspicuously absent among the_ Lingayats. Divorce and separation are uncommon and marital breakdowns are frowned upon. Precautions against possible disintegration are taken by arranging interkin mar- riages, which help to strengthen the marital bonds. In the event of a breakdown, however, Lingayat attitudes toward di- vorce, especially in comparison with some other religious groups, are liberal and tolerant. They are equally liberal in en- couraging widow remarriages, which are condemned by the Hindu-Brahmanic society. Residence is patrilocal among rural Lingayats. Upon marriage, the bride goes to live with the groom's household. Among urbanites they are expected to live independently. For an educated Lingayat couple, neo- local residence is the norm. Domestic Unit. The extended family is regarded as the ideal arrangement among rural Lingayats, although the nu- clear family is actually more common and there are occa- sional instances of conjugal family arrangements. Nuclear or conjugal, the family does not live in isolation, as it is always embedded in the larger kin group. Since the collective solidar- ity of the kin group is the prime value in the community, fam- ily autonomy and privacy are never its concerns. All related families are held together by a sense of mutuality and comple- mentarity. Such interdependence is seen on occasions of births, weddings, fairs, and festivals. The urban Lingayat fam- ily is primarily nuclear but it too maintains its ties with its rural kin by providing shelter, hospitality, and employment opportunities, when needed. Inheritance. Traditionally, legal rights favored the patri- lineage. Upon marriage, a girl took her husband's surname and all the legal claims that went with it. Her loss of a share in her parental family property, however, was met through ade- quate gifts of jewelry and gold during her marriage and on successive visits to the natal family. Her parents and siblings fulfilled their moral obligations to her, especially in times of crisis. Such customs and conventions generally created an en- vironment in which brother-sister relations continued even after the parents' deaths. The Succession Act of 1956 that gave guaranteed equal rights to surviving children of deceased parents altered the bonds that once united the conjugal and natal families and brother-sister relationships. It is not un- Lingayat 153 common these days for brothers and sisters to behave like ri- vals over the sharing of parental property and to take their claims to court. Socialization. The socialization of a Lingayat child begins immediately after birth when the priest, the jangama, visits the home, names the child, and initiates him or her into the Lingayat faith by tying a linga around the child's neck. His role in communicating the values of his faith continues throughout the life of the named child, especially during some major life stages. Among other agents of socialization, mother, grandmother, father, siblings, and other extended relatives are significant, in that order. Among the nonfamilial agents, priest, peer group, elders, and teachers are effective. Socialization within the family is primarily informal and learning occurs there mostly by observation and imitation. Obedience and respect for elders, trust in their god and reli- gion, hard work, and generosity are some of the values that Lingayat parents like to see. by the Sanskrit language in order to make Kannada, the language of the common man, the medium of literary expression. He set an example by recording his Vacanas (sayings) in Kannada and the tradition set by him continues to flourish in modem Lingayat writings. The ideol- ogy of the Lingayat culture also begins with Basava, who re- jected the feudal orientation of Hindu Brahmanism and sub- stituted for it a new social order similar to Gandhian populism and based upon the principles of individuality, equality, and fraternity. The cooperative, communitarian movement initiated by Basava continues to flourish in the modem political life of Kamataka. The Lingayat monasteries, spread across contemporary Karnataka's small and large towns, run schools and colleges with free room and board for needy students. These monasteries serve not only as centers of religious culture but also as centers of education; they can claim a record of fifty years of contribution to the educational progress of the state, unrivaled by other educational institu- tions. The Shiva worshiped by the Lingayats does not belong to the Hindu pantheon. He is formless, qualityless, and an embodiment of love and compassion. Lingayats worship him as a symbolic manifestation of the universe and call him their personal God, istalinga. For them Sanskrit (like church Latin) is the vehicle of feudal values, inherited inequalities, and priestly prerogatives; so they identify with Kannada and contribute to its literary richness and variety. Their cultural heritage therefore follows neither the marga (way of seeking) nor the desi (way of instruction) traditions; it rejects the insti- tutions, cultural prescriptions, notions, and values character- istic of both these Hindu traditions. It represents, in fact, partly a selective blending and partly a selective conflict be- tween the two. It comes very close to a populistic tradition, with its own institutions and values rooted in the 27,000 vil- lages and some 300 towns of Karnataka. Settlements Lingayat villages are usually nucleated with houses built close to each other. The population of a village may vary anywhere from 250 to 3,500 persons. Villages are dispersed and con- nected by paths and main roads that link them to the na- tional highways. Farmers' houses are made of either mud, stone, or cement. A well-to-do Lingayat farmer's house, made out of mud and stone, consists of three sections. The first sec- 152 Lingayat tion is a porch with a raised platform, usually open but some- times closed, which is used for visitors and resting. A thresh- old and a door frame with carved figures of Basava lead to the second section, which consists of units used for housing the cattle and for domestic purposes, including a kitchen, a store- room, and a puja (worship) room. The third section of the house, the backyard, is used for storing hay, fuel, etc. Economy Subsistence and Commercial Activities. The economy of a Lingayat village, which is predominantly agricultural, re- flects the Lingayat culture. Their social structure is populistic, with birth and occupation intertwined. Lingayats are engaged in an entire range of occupational activities-agriculture, commerce and trade, teaching and scholarship, blacksmith- ing, carpentry, weaving, oil pressing, hairdressing, etc. Tradi- tionally, Lingayat farmers produced partly for local consump- tion and partly for a market economy, and plowed their land with metal-shod wooden plows powered by pairs of bullocks. Much of economic life was regulated by the aya system, in which exchange of goods and services took place. The local artisan groups and labor depended upon the farmers for their survival. With independence in 1947 and the launching of five-year plans and community development projects, the tra- ditional mode of cultivation is being gradually modernized by the use of chemicals, fertilizers, lift pumps, irrigation, etc. Rural life, once characterized by exchange relationships, is giving way to competitive interests revolving around the eco- nomic realities of supply and demand. For example, the arti- san community in the village has nearly closed its doors to local customers, as it now seeks new opportunities in the nearby city market in its traditional specialities. And the vil- lage washerman's family also is involved in the city electric laundering establishment, the cobbler in its shoe stores, the blacksmith in tool-making jobs, and the goldsmith in the jew- elry store. So traditional work is becoming modem work, and traditional skills are becoming modernized in the process. The village farmers, who once produced primarily for domes- tic and local purposes, now prefer cash crops such as sugar- cane, cotton, chilies, fruits, and vegetables for export. But such concerns do not seem to have eroded traditional values as indicated by the increasing number of cooperative societies in Lingayat villages. Urban Lingayats are found equally in all occupations and dominate small trade, commerce, and the textile industry in Karnataka. Kinship Kin Groups and Descent. The kinship universe of the Lingayats can be described in terms of two categories: effec- tive and noneffective. Relationships among effective kin are close, intimate, obligatory, and reciprocal, whereas those among noneffective kin are less intimate and functionally in- significant. Effective kin are those closely related by descent and marriage, and mate selection among such kin is preferen- tial. Noneffective kin are remotely related and rarely remem- bered, and meaningful interaction between them is absent. Ideally, Lingayat kinship emphasizes the patrimonial princi- ple, but in reality matrilineal orientations prevail both in sen- timents and obligations. Kin groups among rural Lingayats maintain and reinforce their kinship relations through uncle- niece, cross-cousin, and exchange marriages. Affinal relation- ships are recognized only if they are involved in preferential marriages. Kinship Terminology. Lingayat kinship may be described as multilateral with partly descriptive and partly generic kin terms. Father's brothers and sisters, for example, are de- scribed as "big" or "little" "fathers" and "mothers" depending on relative age; terms for paternal and maternal grandfathers and grandmothers are treated in the same way. Marriage and Family Marriage. A common practice among Lingayat parents is to arrange their children's marriages. About five decades ago, a bride and bridegroom could see each other's face only at the marriage pedestal, but increasing education and widespread urbanization have crept into the villages and slowly affected the ways of traditional matchmaking. These days 'love" mar- riages are heard of even in the countryside. In educated Lingayat families, younger generations enjoy some freedom in the choice of partners, a practice unheard of half a century ago. The use of horoscopes is conspicuously absent among the_ Lingayats. Divorce and separation are uncommon and marital breakdowns are frowned upon. Precautions against possible disintegration are taken by arranging interkin mar- riages, which help to strengthen the marital bonds. In the event of a breakdown, however, Lingayat attitudes toward di- vorce, especially in comparison with some other religious groups, are liberal and tolerant. They are equally liberal in en- couraging widow remarriages, which are condemned by the Hindu-Brahmanic society. Residence is patrilocal among rural Lingayats. Upon marriage, the bride goes to live with the groom's household. Among urbanites they are expected to live independently. For an educated Lingayat couple, neo- local residence is the norm. Domestic Unit. The extended family is regarded as the ideal arrangement among rural Lingayats, although the nu- clear family is actually more common and there are occa- sional instances of conjugal family arrangements. Nuclear or conjugal, the family does not live in isolation, as it is always embedded in the larger kin group. Since the collective solidar- ity of the kin group is the prime value in the community, fam- ily autonomy and privacy are never its concerns. All related families are held together by a sense of mutuality and comple- mentarity. Such interdependence is seen on occasions of births, weddings, fairs, and festivals. The urban Lingayat fam- ily is primarily nuclear but it too maintains its ties with its rural kin by providing shelter, hospitality, and employment opportunities, when needed. Inheritance. Traditionally, legal rights favored the patri- lineage. Upon marriage, a girl took her husband's surname and all the legal claims that went with it. Her loss of a share in her parental family property, however, was met through ade- quate gifts of jewelry and gold during her marriage and on successive visits to the natal family. Her parents and siblings fulfilled their moral obligations to her, especially in times of crisis. Such customs and conventions generally created an en- vironment in which brother-sister relations continued even after the parents' deaths. The Succession Act of 1956 that gave guaranteed equal rights to surviving children of deceased parents altered the bonds that once united the conjugal and natal families and brother-sister relationships. It is not un- Lingayat 153 common these days for brothers and sisters to behave like ri- vals over the sharing of parental property and to take their claims to court. Socialization. The socialization of a Lingayat child begins immediately after birth when the priest, the jangama, visits the home, names the child, and initiates him or her into the Lingayat faith by tying a linga around the child's neck. His role in communicating the values of his faith continues throughout the life of the named child, especially during some major life stages. Among other agents of socialization, mother, grandmother, father, siblings, and other extended relatives are significant, in that order. Among the nonfamilial agents, priest, peer group, elders, and teachers are effective. Socialization within the family is primarily informal and learning occurs there mostly by observation and imitation. Obedience and respect for elders, trust in their god and reli- gion, hard work, and generosity are some of the values that Lingayat parents like to see